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Identity as a problem in the sociology of knowledge: the social construction of Aboriginal identity with special reference to the 'World' of education

机译:认同作为知识社会学中的一个问题:土着认同的社会建构,特别是教育的“世界”

摘要

The object of the research was to map Aboriginal 'worlds' in order to establish the components of a viable individual and group identity for Aboriginal people.udThree research contexts were established:ud1) Strelley Community, a tradition-oriented group in the Pilbara region of Western Australia. The group had forged social structures with the specific aim of conserving Aboriginal identity; ud2) Port Augusta, a country toti%m located in the north of South Australia, a town situated at geographical and cultural crossroads for Aboriginal people; ud3) metropolitan Adelaide which received migrations from the sixties onwards, chiefly from two Aboriginal reserves, Point NcLeay and Point Pearce. udIdentity was defined as the location of the self, both by the self and others in a particular world of-meaning;udThe problem which was investigated was one of how identity is socially constructed and socially maintained. The research, therefore, was located theoretically into that area of sociology concerned with the social construction of reality - namely, the sociology of knowledge.udThe issues isolated for the study wereudi) Interaction between psychological reality and psychological models - that is, the theorizing about 'worlds' of meaning, and the way in which this locates the people into a particular identity.ud(ii) Interaction between social structure and the 'worlds' in which Aboriginal people find their identity - that is, the typifications of Aboriginal people which locate them into particular 'worlds'.ud(iii) Interaction between the self and society - that is, the choice among the identities offered by these 'worlds'. The world. of Aborigines was studied through an analysis of the conceptualisation of the Aboriginal world and the naming/identification of Aborigines found in Government legislation and policy before and after the 1967 Referendum. udThe legislation and policy of governments before 1967 were seen to be based in conceptual machinery which acted to nihilate the symbolic world of the Aboriginal people and locate them within a universe having negative attributes. Constantly changing policies of identification/naming structured a situation for identitydiffusion. Government policies post-1967 were seen to exclude Aborigines from a new Australian identity being fostered by the conceptualisation of Australia as a multicultural society. At the same time, Government policies, at the level of theorizing, gave positive recognition to the uniqueness of Aboriginal identity.udThe Schools Commission, a government statutory body, gave positive support to the recognition of Aboriginal identity in practice, as well as theory, in the 'world' of schooling.udThe 'worlds' of Strelley, Port Augusta and Adelaide were examined within Sorokin's categories relating to the construction of group identity. The 'worlds' of schooling at each location were selected out as a context for studying the subjective correlates of identity. udIt was found that the theorizing about Aboriginal identity on the part of the staffs of the schools in the study was supportive and reflected the differing 'worlds' of the particular clientele of each institution at the student level. However, it was found that the typifications of Aboriginal students by non-Aborigines was negative. udThis was less negative in schools where Aborigines were less visible and where theorizing on the part of the school was less overt. Typifications of Aborigines by Aborigines was also negative. The stereotyping of the dominant society was shown to be internalised by Aborigines for Aborigines in general.udHowever, negative typifications were not internalised for the Aboriginal self (as opposed to typifications for Aborigines in general). 'Rudimentary theorizing' on the part of Aborigines was also positive. Aborigines theorized positively for the Aboriginal self about schooling and about interaction with the white world. Consonant with this finding was the evidence that Aborigines} p flied 'Australians' positively, despite the fact that they, (the Aborigines), were typified negatively by Australians.udThe expectation that Aboriginal students would, in general, show evidence of socialization into negative identity and identity-diffusion was not realised.udThe school situation was seen as a locus for positive theorizing and for support for the construction of different Aboriginal identities, in accordance with the options made by the Aboriginal people. The options revealed wereud1) Theorizing permitting assimilationud2) Theorizing offering the possibility of integration and identification with pride-as an Aborigine, but without claiming identials that were specifically Aboriginal ud3) Theorizing for the maintenance of an Aboriginal identity secured by identials that are specifically Aboriginal. udOnly Strelley offered a fourth possibility: ud4) Theorizing that structured a situation for Aboriginal identity with a coherent ideological base.udStrelley exercised autonomy in all areas. The continuity of the group was provided for by indoctrination of the group into a common ideology, and by establishing processes for continual adaptation within the ideological base, and continuity of leadership. udIn the metropolitan urban situation, among Aboriginal people, there was seen to be a lack of cohesion, a lack of clearly articulated ideology, a lack of an economic base for autonomy, a lack of-acknowledged leadership. udIt was concluded that the one institution in society currently permitting and supporting multi-structures within which Aboriginal identity could be constructed, for those choosing this option, was the school. Schools based on some form of voluntary segregation could be developed to provide basic structures where those features seen to operate successfully at Strelley could be adapted to provide, within a micro-cosmic situation, for the development and inculcation of an ideology and the development of leaders. ud
机译:该研究的目的是对原住民的“世界”进行映射,以便为原住民建立可行的个人和群体身份的组成部分。 ud建立了三个研究背景: ud1)Strelley社区,皮尔巴拉地区的一个传统群体西澳大利亚州地区。该团体建立了旨在维护土著身份的社会结构。 ud2)奥古斯塔港(Port Augusta),位于南澳大利亚州北部的一个国家,这个小镇位于原住民的地理和文化十字路口; ud3)大都会阿德莱德(Adelaide)从60年代开始接受移民,主要是从两个原住民保护区Point NcLeay和Point Pearce迁徙。身份被定义为自我和其他人在特定意义世界中所处的位置; ud所研究的问题是身份如何在社会上被建构和在社会上得以维持。因此,该研究在理论上位于与现实的社会建构有关的社会学领域,即知识的社会学。 ud本研究孤立的问题是 udi)心理现实与心理模型之间的相互作用-即, ud(ii)社会结构与原住民在其中找到自己身份的“世界”之间的互动,即典型化,这就是意义的“世界”的理论化及其将人们定位为特定身份的方式。 ud(iii)自我与社会之间的相互作用,即在这些“世界”提供的身份中进行选择。世界。通过分析土著世界的概念以及1967年公民投票前后政府立法和政策中发现的土著居民的命名/身份,对土著居民的身份进行了研究。 ud人们认为,1967年之前政府的立法和政策建立在概念性机制的基础上,这些机制消灭了原住民的象征性世界,并将其置于具有负面属性的宇宙中。不断变化的识别/命名策略构成了身份扩散的情况。人们认为,1967年后的政府政策将原住民排除在由澳大利亚概念化为多元文化社会所培育的新澳大利亚身份中。同时,政府政策在理论上对土著身份的独特性给予了积极的肯定。 ud政府法定机构学校委员会在实践中以及理论上对土著身份的给予了积极的支持。 ud“斯特雷利”,“奥古斯塔港”和“阿德莱德”的“世界”在Sorokin的与群体身份建构有关的类别中进行了研究。选择每个地点的“教育世界”作为研究身份的主观关联的背景。 ud发现,在研究中,学校工作人员对土著身份的理论支持,并反映了每个机构在学生水平上特定客户的不同“世界”。但是,发现非土著居民对土著学生的典型表现是负面的。 ud在原住民较不明显且学校理论化程度不太公开的学校中,这种消极现象较少。土著人对土著人的典型代表也是负面的。总体上,土著人对占主导地位的社会的陈规定型观念已被内部化。 ud然而,对于原住民自身,否定性的内在化并未被内部化(与一般而言,土著人的典型化相反)。土著人的“基本理论化”也是积极的。原住民对土著自我的学说以及与白人世界的互动都有着积极的理论依据。与这一发现相吻合的证据是,尽管土著人被澳大利亚人否定了,但土著人积极地向“澳大利亚人”过渡。 ud对土著学生的期望通常会显示出社会化的证据。消极的身份和身份的扩散并未实现。 ud根据土著人民的选择,学校的状况被视为积极理论化和支持构建不同土著身份的场所。揭示的选项是 ud1)理论化允许同化 ud2)理论化提供了与土著人融合和认同的可能性-作为土著居民,但不主张特定于土著的身份 ud3)为维持由特定于土著的身份所保护的土著身份而进行的理论化。 ud只有Strelley提供了第四种可能性: ud4)从理论上讲,这种结构构成了具有统一意识形态基础的原住民身份。 udStrelley在所有领域都行使了自治权。团体的连续性是通过将团体灌输到一个共同的意识形态中,以及通过建立在意识形态基础内不断适应和领导力连续性的过程来实现的。在大城市中,土著人民缺乏凝聚力,缺乏清晰明了的意识形态,缺乏经济自主权,缺乏公认的领导才能。总结认为,社会上目前允许和支持多种结构的机构是学校,对于那些选择该方案的人,可以在其中构建土著身份。可以开发基于某种形式的自愿隔离的学校,以提供基本结构,在Strelley上成功运行的那些功能可以在微观情况下进行调整,以提供意识形态的发展和灌输以及领导者的发展。 ud

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    Jordan D F;

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