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Lyric Poetry, Conservative Poetics, and the Rise of Fascism

机译:抒情诗,保守主义诗学与法西斯主义的兴起

摘要

As fascist movements took hold across Europe in the 1920s and 1930s, there emerged a body of lyric poetry concerned with revolution, authority, heroism, sacrifice, community, heritage, and national identity. While the Nazi rise to power saw the deception, persecution, and brutalization of conservatives both in the Reichstag and in the streets, these themes resonated with fascists and conservatives alike, particularly in Germany. Whether they welcomed the new regime out of fear or opportunism, many conservative beneficiaries of National Socialism shared, and celebrated in poetry, the same ideological principles as the fascists.Such thematic continuities have made it seem as though certain conservative writers, including T. S. Eliot, Stefan George, and Hugo von Hofmannsthal, were proto-fascist, their work cohering around criteria consonant with fascist ideology. My dissertation, however, emphasizes the limits of such cohesion, arguing that fascist poetry rejects, whereas conservative poetry affirms, the possibility of indeterminacy and inadequacy. While the fascist poem blindly believes it can effect material political change, the conservative poem affirms the failure of its thematic content to correspond entirely to material political reality. It displays neither pure political commitment nor aesthetic autonomy, suspending these categories in an unresolved tension.Paul de Man's work on allegory hinges on identifying a reading practice that addresses this space between political commitment and aesthetic autonomy. His tendency to forget the immanence of history, however, is problematic in the context of fascism. Considering rhetorical formalism alongside dialectical materialism, in particular Adorno's essay "Lyric Poetry and Society," allows for a more rounded and ethical methodological approach. The poetic dramatization of the very indeterminacy that historically constituted conservative politics in late-Weimar Germany both distinguishes the conservative from the fascist poem while also accounting for its complicity. Fascism necessitated widespread and wild enthusiasm, but it also succeeded through the (unintentional) proliferation of political indifference as registered, for example, by the popularity of entertainment literature. While the work of certain conservative high modernists reflected critically on its own failures, such indeterminacy nonetheless resembles the failure to politically commit oneself against institutionalized violence and systematic oppression.
机译:法西斯主义运动在1920年代和1930年代遍及欧洲,随之而来的是一批抒情诗,涉及革命,权威,英雄主义,牺牲,社区,遗产和民族认同。纳粹政权在德国国会大厦和街道上看到保守派的欺骗,迫害和残酷对待时,这些主题在法西斯主义者和保守派中引起了共鸣,尤其是在德国。无论他们是出于恐惧还是投机取巧地欢迎新政权,许多国家社会主义的保守派受益人在诗歌中都赞扬并赞扬了法西斯主义者的意识形态原则。 Stefan George和Hugo von Hofmannsthal是原始法西斯主义者,他们的工作围绕与法西斯意识形态相一致的标准进行。但是,我的论文强调了这种凝聚力的局限性,认为法西斯主义的诗歌拒绝了,而保守派的诗歌则肯定了不确定性和不足的可能性。法西斯主义的诗盲目地认为它可以影响物质上的政治变革,而保守派诗则肯定其主题内容未能完全符合物质上的政治现实。它既没有表现出纯粹的政治承诺,也没有表现出审美自主权,从而使这些类别处于悬而未决的紧张状态。然而,在法西斯主义的背景下,他忘记历史内在性的倾向是有问题的。考虑到修辞形式主义和辩证唯物主义,特别是阿多诺的论文《抒情诗与社会》,允许一种更加全面和符合道德的方法论方法。不确定性的诗意戏剧化,在魏玛后期的德国历史上构成了保守政治,既使保守派与法西斯主义诗区别开来,又说明了它的同谋性。法西斯主义需要广泛而狂野的热情,但它也通过(无意的)政治冷漠的扩散而成功,例如,娱乐文学的普及证明了这种冷漠。尽管某些保守的高级现代主义者的工作对自己的失败进行了批判性反映,但这种不确定性仍然类似于在政治上反对体制化的暴力和系统的压迫的失败。

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    Lisiecki Chet;

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