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Didactic Victorianism: Chinese Eunuchs and Mormon Polygamy in the Late Nineteenth Century

机译:说教的维多利亚主义:十九世纪末期的中国太监和摩门教一夫多妻制

摘要

Recognising bodies as objects enables the manipulation, control and essentially the governmentality thereof. Contextualizing bodies as “objects over which we labour” through individual and collective body practices, the ways in which bodies are produced, cultivated and disciplined essentially become ritualistic and often seemingly natural. Feeding, clothing, washing our bodies and so forth, are practices that do not cause a flinch, a look of disgust, or a thought of pity. However, society does not easily accept or understand some body practices. Throughout China’s dynastic history, various forms of body practices were deeply rooted in cultural rituals and symbolisms. For example, the practice of foot binding, although it hindered women’s ability to walk, could be a symbol of femininity and social rank. Some male bodies also partook in body practices, specifically castration. Unlike the slow shape-changing process of foot binding, the effect of castration was immediate. With the slash of a knife the male genitals, cut off in part or completely, often leaving the body bare of any genitals, making a eunuch. Created by royal force initially as a palace punishment [宮刑gōngxíng] under the laws created by the Duke of Zhou [周公Zhōugōng], brother of King Wu [武王Wǔwáng] of the Zhou Dynasty [周Zhōu], about 1100 B.C., eunuchs were not regarded as castrated males—still maintaining their identity as males—rather they were classified and defined as eunuchs [宦官huànguān]—by the emperor and, with a trickledown effect, by Chinese society. In essence, castration, while it led to the loss of male body parts, was a productive force in Chinese society. While the obvious servile role of eunuchs is apparent in Chinese history, the eunuch entity also served as a vehicle to address the social world of the West and its anxieties. It played a role in Western imagination and its experience of the East. In this paper, I aim to focus on the early Western understanding of the Chinese eunuch, the making of the Chinese eunuch identity, as well as the activities and social influences of Victorian writers. More specifically, I examine the article “Chinese Eunuchs” written by George Carter Stent in 1877—the earliest literature written by a Westerner in China, for a Western audience, on Chinese eunuchs. I aim to show that by describing eunuchs in China, Stent gave the West a defining lens with which to view eunuchs, while creating a common foundation of rationality to extend order and maximize control over his audience demographics. Essentially, by concurrently criticising the origin and motives for creating eunuchs and using his observations to address anxieties in Victorian England, Stent didactically enhanced the need for strong Christian ethical and moral values.
机译:将物体识别为物体可以对其进行操纵,控制和实质上的政府性。通过个体和集体身体实践将身体作为“我们工作的对象”,将身体生产,培养和训练的方式从本质上讲是仪式化的,而且似乎是自然的。进食,穿衣,洗身体等都是不会引起退缩,反感或怜悯的行为。但是,社会不容易接受或理解某些身体行为。在整个中国王朝历史上,各种形式的身体习俗都深深地植根于文化仪式和象征意义中。例如,绑脚的习俗虽然妨碍了妇女的行走能力,但可能是女性气质和社会地位的象征。一些男性身体也参与身体活动,特别是去势。与脚绑扎的缓慢变形过程不同,of割的效果是立竿见影的。用刀砍下男性生殖器,将其部分或全部切除,常常使身体没有任何生殖器,使太监a。由王室力量最初根据宫廷刑法(宫刑gōngxíng)根据宫廷刑法制定,宫廷刑法是由周王朝周武王武大兄周公(周公Zhōugōng)制定的法律,大约在公元前1100年,皇帝并没有被视为cast割的男性(仍然保持着男性的身份),而是被皇帝并以trick细流的作用被中国社会归类为太监(宦官huànguān)。从本质上讲,去势虽然导致男性身体部位的丧失,但却是中国社会的生产力。尽管Chinese官在中国历史上扮演着明显的奴役角色,但e官实体还是解决西方社会及其忧虑的工具。它在西方的想象力和东方经验中发挥了作用。在本文中,我的目的是集中于西方早期对中国太监的理解,中国太监身份的建立以及维多利亚时代作家的活动和社会影响。更具体地说,我研究了乔治·卡特·斯坦特(George Carter Stent)在1877年撰写的“中国太监”一文,这是西方人在中国为西方观众撰写的有关中国太监的最早文献。我的目的是表明,通过描述中国的太监,Stent给西方提供了一个观镜的视角,可以用来观察太监,同时建立了一个合理的公共基础,可以扩展秩序并最大程度地控制听众的人口统计信息。本质上,通过同时批评创建太监的起源和动机,并利用他的观察结果来解决维多利亚女王时代的英国人的焦虑,Stent从理论上增强了对强大的基督教道德和道德价值观的需求。

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    Ordòñez-Arreola Deysy;

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  • 年度 2013
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