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Radical Right and Radical Left Euroscepticism. A Dynamic Phenomenon

机译:激进右派和激进左派欧洲怀疑论。动态现象

摘要

Euroscepticism is often regarded as a monolithic, unitary political phenomenon. After all, Eurosceptic parties,udmovements and voters are united in voicing their opposition to European integration. This, however, is audserious misconception: Eurosceptic politics in Western Europe is heterogeneous and dynamic—both amongudpolitical parties and among voters.udThere is significant variation regarding the motivations to reject the European Union (EU). Radical leftudEurosceptic parties oppose the EU on the basis of socio-economic concerns. Radical right parties rejectudEU integration on the basis of sovereignty arguments and cultural claims. Moreover, political parties’udEuroscepticism is by no means static. Although radical right parties are the most forceful political opponentsudof the EU today, a number of significant radical right parties initially supported European unification.udCrucially, these ideological and temporal variations in Euroscepticism are not solely party-driven. Also votersudoppose European integration for different ideological reasons and that the extent to which voters on the far leftudand far right have opposed the EU has varied over time. In particular, the era of political integration heraldedudby the Maastricht Treaty (1992) marked a decisive shift for radical right Euroscepticism—as the opposition toudthe EU significantly increased among far right voters since the Maastricht Treaty.udWhat is more, the impact of Eurosceptic political parties on European Union politics is also heterogeneousudand dynamic. The presence and success of Eurosceptic parties can have profound repercussion for the waysudin which political parties with governing experience deal with the issue of European integration. The electoraludsuccess of Eurosceptic parties and the emphasis on the EU issue by the radical right and the radical left hasudresulted in strategic responses from mainstream parties. This suggests that Euroscepticism does not onlyudmatter in extreme cases—such as in the case of Brexit, but has a profound impact on the functioning of EUudpolitics, both within member states and in Brussels.udNevertheless, despite mounting evidence of certain responsiveness of mainstream parties and member stateudgovernments to Euroscepticism, a disconnect between domestic political contestation and EU decision-makingudremains. This hampers an effective response to Eurosceptic politics and potentially stifles meaningful politicaludcontestation over EU integration.
机译:欧洲怀疑主义通常被视为一种整体的,单一的政治现象。毕竟,欧洲怀疑党,民运和选民团结一致表示反对欧洲一体化。但是,这是一个“错误的误解”:西欧的欧洲怀疑论政治是异质且动态的,在 udp政党之间和在选民之间都是如此。 ud拒绝欧盟(EU)的动机存在很大差异。激进的左翼 ud欧洲怀疑主义政党基于社会经济问题反对欧盟。激进的权利方根据主权主张和文化主张拒绝 udEU一体化。此外,政党的 ud欧洲怀疑论绝不是一成不变的。尽管激进右翼政党是当今欧盟最强有力的政治反对派,但许多重要的激进右翼政党最初支持欧洲统一。 udCrucial,欧洲怀疑论的这些意识形态和时间上的变化并不仅仅是由党派主导的。此外,由于不同的意识形态原因,选民对欧洲一体化的看法是错误的,而且最左极右的选民反对欧盟的程度随时间而变化。尤其是,《马斯特里赫特条约》(1992年)宣告的政治一体化时代标志着激进的右翼欧洲怀疑论的决定性转变,因为自《马斯特里赫特条约》以来极右翼选民对欧盟的反对大大增加。怀疑欧洲的政党对欧盟政治的影响也是异质的 udand动态的。欧洲怀疑主义政党的存在和成功对具有执政经验的政党处理欧洲一体化问题的方式具有深远的影响。欧洲怀疑主义政党的选举成功,以及激进右派和激进左派对欧盟问题的强调,导致了主流政党的战略回应。这表明,欧洲怀疑论不仅在极端情况下(如英国脱欧),甚至在成员国内部和布鲁塞尔对欧盟政治体系的运作都产生了深远影响。 ud,尽管有越来越多的证据表明,主流政党和成员国 ud政府对欧洲怀疑论的反应迅速,国内政治竞争与欧盟决策之间的脱节仍然存在。这阻碍了对欧洲怀疑论政治的有效回应,并可能扼杀了有关欧盟一体化的有意义的政治争论。

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    Meijers M.J.;

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