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The Ezafe as a head-marking inflectional affix: Evidence from Persian and Kurmanji Kurdish

机译:作为标志性的拐点词缀的Ezafe:来自波斯语和Kurmanji Kurdish的证据

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摘要

This paper suggests a new analysis of the Persian Ezafe as a suffix attaching to the head and to some of its intermediate projections, and marking them as awaiting a modifier or a complement. Viewed as such, the Ezafe construction is an illustration of the head-marked pattern of morphological marking of grammatical relations (Nichols 1986). This view of the Ezafe is quite the opposite of the Case-marker analysis suggested by Samiian (1994) and Larson and Yamakido (2005), according to which the Ezafe is rather a dependent marking device. The analysis outlined in this paper entails that the Ezafe particle, whose origins in Modern Persian can be traced back to the Old Persian relative/demonstrative hya/tya (Darmesteter 1883), has undergone a process of reanalysis- grammaticalization, being thus reinterpreted as a part of the nominal inflection. It is further shown that although a comparable process might have taken place in some other West Iranians languages, Kurmanji Kurdish dialects for instance, grammaticalization has not proceeded in the same way and at the same rate, resulting in a more complex picture for the different uses of the Ezafe.
机译:本文建议对波斯Ezafe作一个新的分析,将其作为后缀附在头部及其某些中间突出部分上,并将其标记为等待修饰符或补充。这样看来,Ezafe构造说明了语法关系的形态学标记的头部标记模式(Nichols 1986)。 Ezafe的这种观点与Samiian(1994)以及Larson和Yamakido(2005)提出的案例标记分析完全相反,根据该案例分析,Ezafe相当是一个依赖的标记工具。本文概述的分析意味着,其起源于现代波斯的Ezafe粒子可以追溯到旧波斯的相对/说明性hya / tya(Darmesteter 1883),它经历了重新语法化的过程,因此被重新解释为名义弯曲的一部分。进一步表明,尽管可能以其他西伊朗语(例如库尔曼吉·库尔德方言)进行了类似的处理,但语法化却没有以相同的方式和速率进行,导致不同用途的情况更为复杂。 Ezafe。

著录项

  • 作者

    Samvelian Pollet;

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  • 年度 2007
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