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Putting Lethal Force on the Table:udHow Drones Change the Alternative Space of War and Counterterrorism

机译:将致命力量放在桌子上: ud无人机如何改变战争和反恐的替代空间

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摘要

Contrary to the prevailing view that drones spare civilian lives, this paperudargues that drones actually place more civilians at risk. The reason is simple:uddrones are used outside areas of active hostilities in civilian populated areas whereudno other weapon could be used. The oft-repeated mantra that drones are moreudprecise and less destructive and therefore spare more civilian lives rests on a falseudcomparison. Many commentators wrongly assume that if we were not usinguddrones, we would be using some less precise and more destructive alternative,udsuch as cruise missiles. Apart from the difficulties in deploying cruise missilesudcovertly and their inability to strike with drone accuracy, cruise missile strikes inudcivilian populated areas would almost certainly violate the laws of distinction andudproportionality and, even if technically legal, would be politically unpalatable.udDrones thus put lethal force on the table where it would otherwise be absent andudthey highlight the lack of law designed to regulate their use. Because the law ofudarmed conflict was developed for active war zones, it is inadequate to governuddrone strikes in areas away from active hostilities. As a result, the laws ofuddistinction and proportionality, which govern the use of lethal military force, mustudbe reformulated for drone strikes. Rather than focusing solely on theudcommander’s intent to target enemy combatants, distinction should require audfunctional analysis of the geographic area to be destroyed by a strike—the deathudzone. Where the death zone by its nature, location, purpose or use is substantiallyuda civilian object, such as an outdoor market or a civilian apartment building, theuddeath zone as a whole should be deemed a civilian object, regardless of theudpresence of an otherwise valid military objective, such as an enemy militant. Onceuda target satisfies distinction, our assessment of proportionality should take intoudaccount not only the civilian casualties likely to result from the strike, but also theudstrategic costs and negative secondary effects of deploying aerial strikes inudcivilian areas.
机译:与普遍认为无人驾驶飞机可以挽救平民生命的观点相反,本文无人驾驶飞机实际上使更多平民处于危险之中。原因很简单:在平民密集地区的活跃敌对地区以外使用 uddrones, udn不能使用其他武器。无人驾驶飞机经常重复的口头禅是 udprecise和破坏性较小,因此可以挽救更多平民生命,这是基于虚假的 udcomparison。许多评论员错误地认为,如果我们不使用 uddrones,我们将使用一些不太精确和更具破坏性的替代方案,例如巡航导弹。除了在部署巡航导弹方面的困难以及他们无法以无人机精确打击外,在平民居住区袭击巡航导弹几乎肯定会违反区分和不成比例的法律,即使在技术上合法,在政治上也是不受欢迎的。 udrones因此将致命的力量放到了桌子上,否则它就不存在了, uddie强调了缺乏旨在规范其使用的法律。由于武装冲突法是针对活跃的战区而制定的,因此不足以在远离活跃敌对的地区治理 uddrone罢工。结果,必须重新制定控制致命军事力量使用的“辨别力和相称性法则”,以进行无人机打击。区别不应该只着眼于“指挥官”瞄准敌方战斗人员的意图,而应要求对被罢工摧毁的地理区域(死亡 udzone)进行功能分析。如果死区的性质,位置,目的或用途基本上是民用物品,例如户外市场或民用公寓楼,则无论亡灵的存在,整个死亡区域都应视为民用物品。否则是有效的军事目标,例如敌方武装分子。一旦目标达到区分,我们对比例的评估不仅应考虑到可能因罢工造成的平民伤亡,还应考虑在平民区域部署空中打击的战略成本和负面影响。

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    Andresen Joshua;

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  • 年度 2017
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