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On Brown v. Board of Educationu27s 50th Anniversary: To Integrate or Separate Is Not the Question

机译:关于Brown诉教育委员会成立50周年:整合或分离不是问题

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摘要

By ending official apartheid, Brown represented a great victory in the struggle for racial justice in the United States. Following more than a decade of inaction as a result of its “all deliberate speed” formulation, and in response to the then prevailing sentiment among the proponents of Brown, the Supreme Court began to push for the integration of school districts that engaged in segregation by law or practice. This integrationist push lasted from the late 1960s to the late 1970s. Beginning in the mid-1970s the Court began to limit the remedies for segregation by law or practice, and beginning in the early 1990s the Court began to relieve previously segregated districts of any further obligation to desegregate. The result has been a substantial resegregation in fact of the public schools over the past decade and a half. In addition, beginning in the mid-1970s the Court refused to intervene in cases challenging the exclusionary zoning tactics of suburban communities to which many whites have fled to avoid integration; and in cases challenging states’ substantial reliance on local funding of public schools, the impact of which has been to leave the poorer, disproportionately minority school districts unable to provide an education of comparable quality to the richer, largely white suburbs.The paper argues that the United States remains a highly racialized and racist society with gross disparities and inequalities based on race, that focusing on adequate funding for segregated schools rather than on integration would not likely have made a substantial difference in the current status of the black community, and that through its decisions the Supreme Court has sanctioned the institutionalization of a system that is now “separate and unequal.” The paper then argues that both an integrationist and a more separatist approach are consistent in theory with what a non-racist society entails, but that under either approach in the context of an inegalitarian and hierarchical society the black community will likely continue to bear disproportionately the hardships of American life; and that the achievement of racial justice, while not reducible to a class struggle, requires an inter-racial and inter-ethnic struggle for racial and social justice of all who suffer from the institutionalized inequality of this society.
机译:通过结束官方种族隔离,布朗代表了美国争取种族正义的斗争中的重大胜利。由于“一切刻意的速度”制定而导致十多年无所作为,并且响应布朗拥护者当时的普遍情绪,最高法院开始推动将从事种族隔离的学区整合在一起。法律或惯例。这种整合主义的推动力从1960年代末持续到1970年代末。从1970年代中期开始,法院开始通过法律或惯例限制隔离的补救措施,从1990年代初开始,法院开始解除先前隔离的地区的任何进一步的隔离义务。结果是在过去的十五年中,公立学校实际上进行了大规模的重新安置。此外,从1970年代中期开始,法院拒绝干预对许多白人逃避以避免融合的郊区社区的排他性分区策略提出质疑的案件;在挑战州严重依赖当地公立学校资金的情况下,其后果是让较贫穷,比例不成比例的少数民族学区无法提供与较富裕,以白人为主的郊区相媲美的教育。美国仍然是一个高度种族化和种族主义的社会,其种族之间存在巨大的差距和不平等现象,如果只关注为隔离学校提供足够的资金而不是融入社会,这对黑人社区的现状可能不会产生重大影响,最高法院通过其裁决批准了如今“分离和不平等”的制度的制度化。然后,论文认为,融合主义和分离主义的方法在理论上都与非种族主义社会的要求是一致的,但是在这两种方法中,在不平等和等级制社会的背景下,黑人​​社区将可能继续承受不成比例的负担。美国生活的艰辛;种族正义的实现虽然不能简化为阶级斗争,但需要种族间和种族间的斗争,以争取所有遭受制度化社会不平等待遇的人的种族和社会正义。

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    Kleven Thomas;

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