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Plus ça change: US militarism and class conflict under the Trump administration

机译:更改内容:特朗普政府领导下的美国军国主义和阶级冲突

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摘要

Current mainstream opinion holds that the Trump Presidency represents an ‘aberration’ in US politics and foreign policy (especially when compared to a perversely romanticized Obama administration). In contrast, this paper will argue that the Trump Presidency is most significant for the ways in which it extends and deepens existing trends in US foreign policy. Early indications include the grotesque hike in the war budget, the increased rate of drone assassinations, and unwavering support for Israel. Domestically, Trump’s cabinet of billionaires and generals exacerbates a class war that necessitates further measures to militarize the domestic environment. Apparent discontinuities between the Obama and Trump Presidencies, such as the withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership, only mask deeper continuities: now that China has surpassed the United States in its share of world trade, the US is exerting even greater pressure on China through economic nationalism. Whilst much has been made of Trump’s ‘friendly’ relations with Putin, the missile attack against Syria reveals that the President is little more than a figurehead whose personal views count for little in US foreign policy making. The more aggressive tone towards Iran may appear to roll back Obama’s more diplomatic stance, yet it revives the hawkishness of the neocons in the George W. Bush administration and is more likely to lead to war now that Iran has started pricing oil in Euros. Trump's attitudes towards nuclear weapons chime perfectly with the United States’ relentless quest for nuclear primacy, however, his confrontational attitude towards North Korea is reckless in the extreme. US torture infamously did not disappear under Obama, and Trump’s first-week defence of the practice makes clear that the United States intends to terrorize its opponents and will stop at nothing to achieve its objectives. The implications of all of this for international security are dire. We are, in effect, returning to the 1930s, when the crisis of global capitalism led to rising protectionism, militarization, and war between the great powers. Trump is a symptom, rather than the cause, of the present crisis, which only a coordinated international movement of the working class can resolve.
机译:目前的主流观点认为,特朗普总统代表了美国政治和外交政策中的“畸变”(特别是与一个反浪漫化的奥巴马政府相比)。相比之下,本文将争辩说,特朗普总统对扩大和深化美国外交政策的现有趋势具有重要意义。早期迹象包括战争预算中的怪异加息,无人驾驶飞机被暗杀的比率增加以及对以色列的坚定支持。在国内,特朗普内阁的亿万富翁和将军们加剧了一场阶级战争,这需要采取进一步措施使国内环境军事化。奥巴马总统与特朗普总统之间明显的不连续性,例如退出跨太平洋伙伴关系,仅掩盖了更深层次的连续性:既然中国在世界贸易中所占份额已超过美国,美国将通过以下方式对中国施加更大的压力经济民族主义。尽管对特朗普与普京的“友好”关系做出了很多贡献,但对叙利亚的导弹袭击显示,总统不过是个a头,其个人观点对美国的外交政策影响不大。对伊朗采取更激进的态度似乎可以抵消奥巴马的更外交立场,但它使乔治·W·布什(George W. Bush)政府的新保守派变得强硬起来,而且由于伊朗已开始以欧元定价石油,因此它更有可能引发战争。特朗普对核武器的态度与美国对核优先地位的不懈追求完全吻合,但是,他对朝鲜的对抗态度却是极端鲁ck的。美国臭名昭著的酷刑并没有在奥巴马的统治下消失。特朗普对这种做法的第一周辩护清楚表明,美国打算对对手进行恐吓,并将不惜一切代价实现其目标。所有这些对国际安全的影响是可怕的。实际上,我们正在回到1930年代,当时全球资本主义危机导致保护主义,军事化和大国之间的战争加剧。特朗普是当前危机的一种症状,而不是原因,只有工人阶级的国际协调运动才能解决。

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