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How Do We Rebuild a Disaster damaged Heritage Settlement: A study of the Post- Earthquake Reconstruction of the Village of Taoping. A Traditional Qiang Settlement in Sichuan China

机译:我们如何重建受灾破坏的文物居住区:对桃坪村地震后重建的研究。中国四川的传统Qian族聚落

摘要

This research is about post-disaster reconstruction of culture heritage settlements, notudas an activity but conceptually, by addressing the question of how do we preserve audheritage settlement damaged by disaster? Underpinning that issue is a case study ofudTaoping Qiang Village. Taoping is a Qiang Minority’s traditional settlement whichudwent through a post-earthquake reconstruction from 2008 to 2011 in Sichuan, China.udIn my thesis heritage settlement is understood as “lived-in cultural heritageudsettlements”. The “lived-in” situation refers to heritage settlements which suspendsudthe natural coherence between inhabitants and dwellings. This coherence refers toudsettlements renovate and maintenance according to their needs and wills of theirudinhabitants. Which in turn are driven by their livelihoods, social practices and livingudhabitus etc. “Lived-in” heritage illustrates a state in which the protected old dwellingsudhost a present-day mode of living. “Lived-in” heritage also displays the coexistence ofudhabitation and conservation. Furthermore it implies a complicated relationshipudbetween those two actives.udTo rebuild a heritage settlement after disaster is not only to rescue the damagedudhistorical buildings but also to reestablish the homes of the inhabitants. This researchudis built on that recognition and regards the local community as a key player in theudreconstruction of heritage settlements. To understand possible behavior and reactionudof the community to the reconstruction we need to know its social context. Hence myudresearch employs “modernity” and “citizenship” in order to set up a “reference frame”.udThe extent of modernity and state of citizenship substantially impact the underlyingudattitude and reactions of the community.udI employ a three-stage investigation in the Taoping case, those of past, present, future.udPhase one covers the two uncoordinated “reconstructions” of Taoping, the officialudreconstruction and the subsequent self-restoration. The reason for the latter was theudfailure of the first to recognize the key role of the community. They focused onudrebuilding homes rather than saving heritage. In stage two I focus on theudreconstruction’s impact on the present-day life of the community. (Re)building onudagricultural land forced the local community to alter their means of livelihood, from agricultural to tourism. Hence the village of Taoping was converted from an oldudvillage into a tourist attraction, a showcase of traditional Qiang life. Consequentlyudthose activities devalued the heritage settlement. In stage three I discuss the resilienceudof the reconstructed Taoping and how they can meet natural hazards in the future. Theudmodels of testing the resilience of Taoping show that Taoping is still vulnerable toudseismic hazards and extreme-weather-caused floods and landslides.udMy study shows that the Taoping community was not to take part in the officialudreconstruction because of the top-down policymaking regime and current state ofudcitizenship, inhabiting the inhabitants to wield their rights. Livelihood shifts mayudbenefit the social modernization and enhance the community’s economic citizenship,udhowever, it neglects the development of a culture of modernity and the responsibilityudof citizenship. The fact that Taoping remains vulnerable to hazards is the consequenceudof a reconstruction that did not recognize the complexity of a “lived-in” state.udThe insights gained through this research highlight that heritage settlementudconservation after disaster inevitably have to consider the interaction betweenudhabitation and conservation. To clarify the relationship between community and theudhistorical dwellings is crucial. So is the risk assessment in order to enhance theudresilience and thus secure the future of rebuilt heritage settlement.
机译:这项研究的目的是解决文化遗产聚居地的灾后重建问题,而不是一项活动,而是在概念上,通过解决如何保存受灾破坏的遗留居所这一问题来进行?这个问题的基础是 udTaoping强村的一个案例研究。桃坪是a族的传统聚居地,在2008年至2011年的四川地震发生后经过重建。 ud在我的论文中,遗产定居点被理解为“居住在文化遗产中的住所”。 “居住”情况指的是遗产定居点,使居民与住所之间的自然连贯性中断。这种连贯性指的是根据居住者的需求和意愿对其住所进行翻新和维护。继而由生计,社会习俗和居住居住环境等驱动。“居住”遗产说明了一种状态,在这种状态下,受保护的旧住宅居住在当今的生活方式中。 “住”的遗产也显示出人居与自然保护并存。此外,这暗示着这两个活动者之间存在复杂的关系。 ud在灾难发生后重建遗产住区,不仅是要抢救受损的 udistical建筑,而且还要重建居民的住所。这项研究建立在这种认识的基础上,并将当地社区视为遗产住区重建中的关键角色。要了解社区对重建的可能行为和反应,我们需要了解其社会背景。因此,我的 udresearch使用“现代性”和“公民身份”来建立“参考框架”。 ud现代性和公民身份的程度在很大程度上影响着社区的基础胆识和反应。 ud我采用了三个第一阶段涵盖了两个不协调的道平“重建”,官方的重建和随后的自我恢复。后者的原因是第一个失败,即认识到社区的关键作用。他们专注于重建房屋,而不是保存遗产。在第二阶段中,我重点介绍“过分重建”对社区当今生活的影响。在农业土地上的(重新)建设迫使当地社区改变了从农业到旅游的谋生手段。因此,桃坪村从一个古老的乡村变成了一个旅游胜地,展现了Qian族的传统生活。因此,这些活动使遗产定居点贬值。在第三阶段中,我讨论了重建的桃坪的抗灾能力,以及它们将来如何应对自然灾害。 的 u u003c / u 的 s,,,,自上而下的决策制度和公民的现状,居住着居民以行使其权利。生计的转变可能有利于社会现代化并增强了社区的经济公民地位,然而,它却忽略了现代文化的发展和公民责任感。桃坪仍然容易遭受灾害的事实是重建的结果,它没有认识到“居住”状态的复杂性。 ud通过这项研究获得的见解突出表明,灾难后的遗产安置/保护工作不可避免地必须考虑到居住与保护之间的相互作用。弄清社区与历史住所之间的关系至关重要。风险评估也是如此,以增强人们的抗灾能力,从而确保重建文物保护区的未来。

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    Wang Yu;

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  • 年度 2015
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  • 正文语种 eng
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