• 主题
高级搜索  >
历史搜索 清空历史
您现在的位置：首页> 中文期刊>其他>国际思想评论

国际思想评论

国际思想评论

International Critical Thought
  • 发文量：41
  • 被引量：-
  • H指数：0
  • 开始收录时间：-
  • CNKI综合因子：-
  • 维普期刊影响因子： -
  • 万方期刊影响因子：-
  • 创刊时间：-
  • 国内刊号/CN：-
    国际刊号/ISSN：-
  • 发行周期：-
    邮发代号：-
  • 主管单位：-
    主办单位：-
国际思想评论-联系信息
  • 主编：-
  • 电话：-
  • 邮箱：-
  • 地址：-
  • 邮编：-
国际思想评论-获奖情况
  • 暂无获奖信息
  • 收录汇总
  • 刊内文献检索
  • 投稿信息

刊期浏览

国际思想评论 >2016年第4期

学科

年度

全选（0）
排序：
共4384条结果
  • 摘要：This paper demonstrates that the international crisis in Ukraine is accompanied not just by a matching domestic Ukrainian crisis,but also one in Russia.Though the crisis in Ukraine is much more severe—including a civil war—the two crises have much in common:both are crises of oligarchic rule,economic dependence on resources and a crisis of social services.Within an overarching narrative of the development of the twin crisis and their interrelations,the article provides insights into the dynamics of these crises which are at considerable distance from the stereotypes peddled in liberal and even some left cultures in Ukraine,Russia as well as the West.
  • 摘要：The ingredients for conflict in Ukraine and a New Cold War were stirred in with the preparation of the post-Soviet order.More Treaty of Versailles than Bretton Woods,Russia was treated as the loser of the Cold War rather than strategic partner by the United States.This outcome was pre-configured by the global long economic crisis that began in the 1970s,along with the related challenges to the United States' short-lived hegemony.Attempts to resolve these crises were in part handled through a "spatial fix"to further incorporate the post-USSR's natural materials into global trade circuits in order to depress their prices.This model met with temporary success in the 1990s,but did not result in long-term solutions for the global economy and US attempts to create a unipolar world.This process has been in part inspected through the frameworks of Nikolai Kondratiev and Robert Brenner and concludes with a developmental-state proposal for Russia and Ukraine.
  • 摘要：Between May and July 2014,when the crisis in south-eastern Ukraine was reaching its peak,a school of political leadership was organised in Belgorod by the Institute of Globalisation and Social Movements and the "New Rus" Centre for leaders and activists of the protest movements in the region,including Donetsk,Lugansk,Nikolaev,Odessa,Kharkov and Sumy.This article contains a description of the survey conducted with school cadets and reveals the political views and preferences,as well as the goals and expectations of people who are in the middle of the Ukrainian conflict.Based on survey data,the author presents conclusions about the content of the political conflict in the Ukrainian south-east.
  • 摘要：In this introduction,we provide an overall framing of the articles that follow by placing the Ukraine conflict which today embroils the West in confrontation with Russia,within an historical account of the geopolitical economy of contemporary capitalism and the dynamics of imperialism in the twenty-first century,taking particular account of the decline of US and Western power and the rise of other centres of economic and military power,which are able to resist and contest Western power.We pay particular attention to how today's geopolitical flashpoints,of which Ukraine is among the most critical,emerged to belie post-Cold War expectations of a "peace dividend" and a "unipolar" world,clearly distinguishing the US and the EU roles in these processes.Given the widespread tendency in the West to label Russia "imperialist," particularly after the integration of Crimea into the Russian Federation,we end our discussion with a consideration of this question which concludes that the term,while it continues to be an appropriate description of the pattern of Western actions,is not so for that of Russian ones.
  • 摘要：The 2014 revolt in Ukraine's Donbass provinces had deep roots among the region's industrial workers.Key sources of the uprising included resistance to neoliberal austerity measures planned by the radical right-wing government that had come to power in Kiev,and a determination to block attacks by ultra-right militias allied with the new Kiev authorities.The inchoate nature of labour movement politics in the Donbass meant that leadership of the Donetsk and Lugansk republics fell primarily to politically illassorted individuals drawn from the region's socio-economic "middle layers." The Russian leadership met the Donbass uprising without enthusiasm,but under pressure from domestic opinion,provided sufficient aid to allow the revolt to survive.Meanwhile,the Kremlin used a variety of pressures to forestall any evolution of the uprising in a radical left direction.Despite the limitations of the rebellion,it defended important interests of the Donbass proletariat,and dealt a sharp,unexpected rebuff to the eastward advance of NATO military influence and of neoliberal economic policies.Important numbers of workers gained a much keener grasp of their class interests.
  • 摘要：President Putin is widely portrayed as a threat to peace and to the international order;and Russian intervention in Ukraine and Crimea is often taken as a measure of this aggressive external policy.It is contended that aggression in international affairs has different causes and consequences.The paper examines the crisis posed in Ukraine following the flight of President Yanukovich and the institution of a pro-NATO and pro-European Union government.Russia's actions are considered in the wider context of the political transformation in Soviet space,the enlargement of the European Union and the expansion of NATO.Russia's economic and military strengths and weaknesses are outlined against the background of the development of the Eurasian Economic Union.It is contended that Russian policy under President Putin has been defensive and reactive.
  • 摘要：The authors employ modern Marxist methodology and theory to analyse imperialism and so-called "empires," making it possible to reveal the mechanisms through which the capital and states of the countries that make up the "centre" ensure the economic,political and ideological manipulation of the "periphery." On this basis,it is shown that the capital and state machines of the countries of the semi-periphery in general,and of Russia in particular,are primarily objects of imperialist subordination and manipulation.Only in a few cases are such countries and their capital capable of being the subjects of imperialist policy.An analysis is provided of the contradictions affecting relations between the Russia,Ukraine and the West.A system of politico-economic,geopolitical and other arguments is also advanced with the aim of showing that the Russia does not as a rule act as a subject of imperialist policy,and that only in particular cases (in which,for the most part,it relies on the Soviet heritage) is it capable of resisting the "rules of the game" dictated by the imperialist powers.Ironically these instances of resistance prompt accusations of "Russian imperialism."
  • 摘要：This paper examines the politics of two rival loans to Ukraine,one from Russia and one from the IMF.While the Russian loan was made at the behest of the elected government of Ukraine as a gesture of solidarity between two closely intertwined post-Soviet economies experiencing similar difficulties,the IMF loan was not only a tool of vain US policy to retain purchase on fast-developing events in Ukraine,it was made in violation of the IMF's own rules.The loans form a critical chapter the contemporary transition from the geopolitical economy of US and Western dominance to one of multipolarity.
  • 摘要：The nature of Russia's nascent capitalism defines its Russian foreign policy and particularly its involvement in the Ukraine crisis.The author rejects the "two imperialisms" thesis concerning East-West confrontation.He departs from the world-system approach and defines Russian capitalism as a semi-periphery of the world system.This means that Russia is half-dependent on the West.On the other hand,it is able to challenge Western hegemony on certain issues.The nature of the country's big business is seen as short-term,rent-seeking behaviour,inconsistent with sound investment and long-term development.Atomisation of the ruling class creates preconditions for a strong authoritative state.However,the Russian ruling elite is deeply split into two factions:one oriented to integration with the West (comprador elite) and the other favouring the strengthening of independent Russian capitalism.Russian foreign policy is shaped by the opposition and compromises between these two groups.That is the reason why it is so inconsistent and contradictory.Particularly in Ukraine,Russia tries to withstand Western challenge,but leaves open options for accommodation.The Russian attempt to make the West regard its national interests within the framework of the current world order,according to the present paper,is doomed to failure.
  • 摘要：This article reassesses Lenin's understanding of Hegel and his dialectic.It argues that Lenin deployed two understandings of that dialectic,one a more mechanistic and vulgar form and the other ruptural.While the former favours the objective and even evolutionary unfolding of stages,the latter is concerned with subjective intervention in those objective conditions.In order to develop this argument,I deal with the whole expanse of Lenin's treatments of Hegel and of Marx's materialist appropriation of the dialectic.This material spans almost three decades of writing,so I focus on key moments from the whole period.The argument is structured in three main sections:the first deals with Lenin's appreciation of the subjective rupture at the heart of the dialectic;the second concerns his focus on the dialectic's objective mechanisms;the third analyses the texts where Lenin juxtaposes both approaches,an effort that creates a dialectical tension of its own.I conclude by observing that Lenin did not invent this vulgar-ruptural dialectic,but rather that he inherited the tension from Marx.
  • 摘要：This article presents a critique of the book La Voie chinoise written by Michel Aglietta and Guo Bai.After having presented the interpretation of the Chinese "sui generis capitalism" given by the authors,we give our own interpretation.This is followed by a discussion of some of the key issues examined in the book,including the imbalances of the Chinese economy,the allocation of factors and their prices,the rules applied to the bond and stock markets,the specificities of state-owned enterprises,the conception of public services,the question of strategic planning,and that of power in "socialism with Chinese characteristics."
  • 摘要：In 2005,Chavez declared that the Bolivarian Revolution was building "socialism for the 21st century." Almost a decade later,however,the economy remains dominated by a parasitic capitalist sector which obstructs efforts to build alternative socio-productive relations.In avoiding a head-on confrontation with the bourgeoisie,the government is experimenting with the introduction of a parallel communal economy in which the social product is communally owned and invested on improvements to the habitat and wellbeing of the poor Venezuelan majority.This explains the strategic importance of the Communal Economic System (CES),as the principal vehicle for the introduction of socialist relations of production in the Venezuelan economy.The article discusses the challenges facing the development of the CES,based on my experience of working with the Vice Ministry of the Communal Economy,the institution responsible for fostering and regulating that system.Among Venezuelan government teams there is interest in Emesto Che Guevara's contribution to the transition to socialism in Cuba.While Guevara's methodological and theoretical approach to socialist political economy can serve as guides to action,in Venezuela its potential is blunted by the lack of state control over the economy and socialisation of the means of production.
  • 摘要：From the standpoint of monopoly capital theory,this paper argues that oligopolistic capitalism is intemally unstable.The instability manifests from the historical evolution of finance within oligopolistic capitalism.The historical rise of oligopolistic capitalism has given rise to price fluctuations;(non-financial) firms have increasingly relied on financial firms to guarantee prices.At the level of the individual firm,this increase in future markets has reduced risk and tended to increase production.However,at the macro-economic level the increase in financial speculation has generated greater instability and inequality.This paper theorizes this macro-economic instability and inequality,along with the increase in the rate of exploitation by means of "financial expropriation."
  • 摘要：The rumor of"Marx's illegitimate son" has been allowed to circulate for far too long.There are numerous flaws in the evidence cited to support this allegation,even though the claim is accepted as fact by David McLellan in his 1973 work Karl Marx:His Life and Thought,regarded as the most authoritative biography of Marx to appear in the English-speaking world.The crucial evidence is a single letter,dated September 2-4,1898,and written by Louise Freyberger (1860-1950) to August Bebel (1840-1913).Louise's letter is full of contradictions,and does not accord with the recollections of other parties.The corroborating evidence is also far-fetched.Some scholars have suggested that various original documents concerning the "illegitimate son" were sought out and destroyed,but this view is not convincing.The story of Marx's illegitimate son has to be viewed as a fabrication spread by Louise and by later historians rather than as a historical conclusion established beyond reasonable doubt.
  • 摘要：Contemporary cultural theory has been overtaken with a posthumanist concern for the "biopolitical" or the definition and organization of "life." Life,in the posthumanist turn,is re-defined as "postlife," or as that which breaks with enlightenment and scientific attempts to contain life and actively resists categorization,conceptualization,and theorization.This essay is a critique of the "postlife" theories of the posthumanist turn,which have come to dominate both cultural theory and popular culture.Through a close reading of Giorgio Agamben's (2013) The Highest Poverty,alongside an analysis of the film Her (Jonze et al.2013),I argue that what passes for a concern with the boundaries and treatment of life is,in actuality,a displacement of the fundamental cause of the heightening contradictions of global capitalism,namely,the exploitation of labor.By turning the contradictions of the social into the consequences of a political apparatus determined at the level of ideas,posthumanist theories of life dematerialize the causes of inequality and in their place substitute a reality without materiality and thus without any true potential for transformation.
  • 摘要：In recent years,state inefficiency in delivering some public goods to everyone has been the major argument set forth by those who argue that markets should play a more active role in providing those goods and services that are needed to secure human rights.Despite the relative consensus that markets cannot substitute the state,in many parts of the world pressures have been felt for privatising social security and water distribution,for example.This article argues that markets do not speak the same language as human rights and therefore reinforces that they are not fully prepared to play the role of a supplier of goods and services as human rights,and specifically of the rights to social security and to water.There are three essential reasons for that.First,markets do not state social preferences;second,they are not accountable;and finally,they are ineffective.In essence,markets commodify human rights and while filling them with exchange value they empty them of political significance.
  • 摘要：The Hungarian economist Janos Kornai has warned the West of the possibility of a reversal of liberalization in Eastern Europe.He advocates a new policy of containment aimed at countries such as Russia and China.This prompts us to investigate the truth concerning the transition in Eastern Europe.After 1990 the West recalculated economic data from the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe (FSUEE thereafter) before 1990,for creating an illusion that "shock therapy" had made progress in FSUEE.However,the Eastem Europeans including the Hungarians,who were enthusiastic for liberalization from socialism,soon discovered that joining the European Union (EU) was damaging the interests of the majority of people in Eastern Europe,while Western Europeans also came increasingly to oppose the financial burdens imposed by EU enlargement and immigration inflows.The short-sighted transition strategy carried out in Eastern Europe and the preoccupation with geopolitical interests have in fact exacerbated the EU's economic crisis,triggering a civil war in Ukraine and causing Russia to become disillusioned with the West.Kornai's theory of soft-budget constraints as well as his anti-Keynesian policies during the transition recession,is responsible for the economic downturn triggered by rapid liberalization in Eastern Europe.The reversal of the liberalization trend in Eastern Europe and the change in the mass psychology of Eastern Europeans towards the West together constitute an important rebuff to utopian capitalist thinking in China.Has capitalism defeated socialism,as Western propaganda claims? The success of China's autonomous open-door policy and the failure of Eastern Europe's unilateral opening indicate that the collapse of the FSUEE occurred mainly for political rather than economic reasons.
  • 摘要：The failures of knowledge to assure a desired outcome,and the gains made by those who bet against it,point to a larger paradox.The rise of the professional managerial class whose specialized expertise would reign in a knowledge society has continued apace yet seen their autonomy wither and mastery fade.The formation and decomposition of this now prevailing class entwines the fate of those engaged in financial services and academic labor,where knowledge was to be formulated,instructed and applied.The question of this larger entanglement,the interdependencies and principles of association that would give the notion of class substantive meaning point to a circumstance in which knowledge cannot rule itself and the collision of knowledge claims creates a generalized condition of volatility that both disperses and binds diverse kinds of human agency.Hence,rather than treating crisis as a momentary break-down in the normal state of affairs,the antinomies of the financial logics of risk management,derivatives and securitization disclose a critical turn in the course of our social surround,the terms in which it might be evaluated,and the sense of time and spacc through which its changes are negotiated and contested.
  • 摘要：Emesto "Che" Guevara's 1965 essay,"Socialism and Man in Cuba," is a milestone in twentieth-century emancipatory social thought.One of the most important topics addressed in Guevara's wide-ranging essay is,without question,the problem of work,which Guevara considers the chief source of alienation in capitalist society and the key to collective liberation in a communist society.For Guevara,the status of work must undergo a fundamental transformation,and it is in connection with this conviction that Guevara develops two of his best known practical proposals:the concept of voluntary work and the use of moral incentives to achieve society's economic goals.Careful consideration of Guevara's conception of voluntary work reveals that it is vulnerable to a number of theoretical and practical objections.However,several of Che's other ideas pertaining to the transformation of work and the moral dimensions of socialist development,including his insistence on the use of moral incentives under socialism,remain quite relevant today.Indeed,some of these ideas provide a useful framework for reflecting on and assessing recent developments in Cuban socialism.
  • 摘要：Comparison of the Chinese Dream with the American Dream reveals that the Chinese Dream has four main themes:national rejuvenation,common prosperity,democracy,and the people's happiness;whereas,the American Dream emphasizes personal liberty,individual success,and upward social and economic mobility.Investigation of the historical origins and development of the two dreams,conjoined with an account of their aims and purposes,shows that full realization of the Chinese Dream is achieved by successfully building socialism with Chinese characteristics;the American Dream,by contrast,serves as an ideological prop for a particularly aggressive,predatory,and imperialistic form of capitalism.Furthermore,a comparison of each dream in actual practice shows that the Chinese Dream of fully developed socialism has been more successful at promoting common prosperity and peaceful,sustainable development,while the American Dream of unbridled capitalism encourages unsustainable development,growing poverty and inequality,and imperialist wars.Finally,an enumeration of the fundamental differences between the Chinese and American Dreams concludes that the Chinese Dream is fundamentally benign,whereas the American Dream is basically malignant.In order for the American Dream to shed its harmful characteristics,it must reject its capitalist underpinnings and adopt socialism as its ultimate goal.
  • 摘要：Traditional Chinese law has been described as a "stagnant" system,in contrast to the West's "progressive" formal-rational law.Two primary reasons for this perception are China's nineteenth century geopolitical descent and the Orientalist prejudices not only constructed by Westerners,but internalized by the non-Westerners that followed.Thus Chinese law came to be viewed as not worth learning.Admittedly,in traditional Chinese society,there was no consciousness of "rights," but this does not mean that property rights,for example,have never been protected.Chinese society has long perceived itself as bound by duty.In the minds of emperors and the intelligentsia,an ideal society was a harmonious one,and therefore supposedly without lawsuits.However,conflicts and struggles do,of course,exist in Chinese society.In general,criminal cases (zhong'an) were judged by magistrates (difang fumuguan),while civil disputes (xishi) were usually settled through mediation.This is different from the adversary system of the West.This study argues that,although traditional Chinese law does indced possess a substantive method for protecthng individuals' "rights"—a method that takes a moral and instructive approach to protecting "rights",mainly through punishing wrongdoers—under the hegemony of the Western knowledge system,the progressive nature of traditional Chinese law has yet to be uncovered.
  • 摘要：The paper argues that torture can never be justified by appeal to the sanctity of innocent life its supporters invoke to justify it,precisely because it is destructive of that which makes life sacred and valuable,at the individual level,for both torturer and torture victim,and at the level of the social institutions within which good lives may be led.In sum,to torture and to be tortured are the ultimate degradation and destruction of that which makes human life uniquely valuable.That which makes it uniquely valuable is not mere biological functioning,but the capacity to care for principles,people,creatures,and futures beyond the limits of our own skins.That capacity is what one might call—without positing the existence of any metaphysical or transcendent spiritual substance—the soul of human beings,which,if lost,causes the loss of our humanity.Torture,for both victim and perpetrator,is soul-destroying.Any society that actively cultivates torturers and employs information obtained by their work has abandoned any claim to adhering to a value system rooted in the recognition of the sanctity of human life.
  • 摘要：This article examines the anatomy of the conflict in and surrounding Ukraine.Employing the dialectical method,the author presents the conflict as a multi-dimensional system of contradictions,with the accent on its socio-economic and class aspects.Also discussed are the prehistory and political and economic bases of the confrontation,as well as possible scenarios of future interrelations.
  • 摘要：United States political science has been heavily subsidized and steered by foundations and the national security state.It has been disseminated all over the world,marginalizing diverse and foreign perspectives.However,the purpose of political science,as defined by Aristotle,its originator,was to find out how to attain the good life for all in a self-governing community.This is still where political science should aim.We can attempt to learn from history and current practices how to embody our ideals in institutions and foster desirable social change.This had been a major purpose of the Caucus for New Political Science (CNPS);other collectives and organizations should join in this task.
  • 摘要：This article examines the five myths that govern political science:that it studies politics;that it is scientific;that one can study politics cut off from the other social sciences and history;that the state is neutral;and that the bulk of the work in the discipline furthers the cause of democracy.Within political science,there have been three main approaches to criticizing these myths:a moderate one that treats the elements in these myths as more or less disconnected;a radical one that sees a systemic connection between these elements but doesn't bring out what it is and how it works;and a Marxist one that names this system,"capitalism," and privileges the role of the capitalist state in explaining both politics and political science.

    国际思想评论的期刊信息

    • 曾用名：2159-8282
    • 创刊时间：-
    • 地区：-
    • 语言：中文
    • 热门主题：-
    • 学科分类：

    国际思想评论的获奖情况

    国际思想评论的收录情况

    国际思想评论的投稿信息

    免费订阅本刊

    客服邮箱：kefu@zhangqiaokeyan.com

    京公网安备：11010802029741号 ICP备案号：京ICP备15016152号-6 六维联合信息科技 (北京) 有限公司©版权所有 出版物经营许可证

    • 客服微信

    • 服务号