Sentences with the Japanese focus marker mo, meaning 'also/too,' can be uttered out of the blue without sounding abrupt. Mo sentences have a presentational neutral focus, rather than a contrastive narrow focus. Although a certain amount of work has been conducted on mo as a contrastive too and a universal quantifier along with wh-words, little has been documented regarding the discourse-initial mo; hence, this forms the focus of this paper. I characterized this mo as bouletic must and a lexicalized verum operator. In other words, the discourse-initial mo is a speaker-oriented emphatic marker, similar to indeed or unfortunately. Even though the presentational neutral focus indicates that the propositions are discourse new, mo-p conveys logical presuppositions as indicated by the interference with negation and modals. Through association with a whole proposition, mo triggers presuppositions that form reasons to infer p-evidence to convince the speaker and hearer that p is true. The hearer abduces the presuppositions on his or her own and accommodates them. Since p is not implied by the context, the hearer accommodates the informative presuppositions. Such data enforces the view that the presupposed information need not have been available to anyone else prior to the speech (Stalnaker 1974, Prince 1978, Delin 1992).
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