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Moral hazard in a modern federation

机译:现代联合会的道德风险

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Arguments against providing fiscal aid to state governments usually rely on a simplistic moral hazard argument: supporting states through a cyclical downturn encourages them to overspend. This argument undergirds the policy recommendations made by the mainstream literature on Fiscal Federalism. I argue that these accounts are predicated on a misunderstanding of what it means to be an agent with respect to one's budget over the business cycle. Basic corporate finance theory teaches us that in order to have control over the relative movement of income and expenditure in the current period, one must be able to design one's own capital structure. US State governments are institutionally and constitutionally prevented from designing their own capital structures, and as such, cannot be judged to have budgetary agency across the business cycle. I show that the moral hazard problem presented in the fiscal finance literature is ill-posed, and obscures a second, more important problem of moral hazard. Namely, that politicians at the federal level reap the political rewards of pursuing austerity at the state level while remaining insulated from any political, economic, or social costs or responsibility. This second moral hazard problem admits of a simple solution: trigger-based fiscal aid to state governments.
机译:反对向州政府提供财政援助的论据通常依赖于一个简单的道德风险论证:通过周期性的衰退支持各国鼓励他们超支。这一论点暗示了主流文献在财政联邦主义上提出的政策建议。我认为这些账户是误解了对经商周期的预算意味着代理人的意义。基本的企业财务理论教导我们,为了控制当前收入和支出的相对运动,必须能够设计自己的资本结构。美国州政府在机构上,宪法地防止了设计自己的资本结构,因此,不能判断在商业周期中有预算机构。我表明,财政金融文学中呈现的道德风险问题均为危及,并掩盖了道德风险的第二个,更重要的问题。即,联邦水平的政治家收获了在国家一级追求紧缩的政治奖励,同时剩下与任何政治,经济或社会成本或责任的绝缘。第二个道德风险问题承认了一个简单的解决方案:基于触发的财政援助对州政府。

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