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Updating China's international economic policy after 30 years of reform and opening: what position on regional and global economic architecture?

机译:改革开放30年后的中国国际经济政策更新:在区域和全球经济体系中的立场如何?

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The 30 years of reform and opening have brought great material progress to China. By becoming a big country, China's actions created huge spillovers on other countries. The result has been a rise in trade tension between China and its trade partners. Recently, some have claimed that China's prolonged large trade surpluses have undermined global financial stability and tilted the world into a deep recession, if not a 1930s-style depression. Others have claimed that the greenhouse gases from China's industrialization would soon cause cataclysmic global climate change. One blunt but effective way to eliminate these negative spillovers is to restrict imports from China. Labor in the rich countries is under considerable stress because of the deep global structural adjustments brought by: (1) the integration of the labor force of China, India and the Soviet bloc into the world economy; and (2) the acceleration of technological innovations (as exemplified by the revolution in information technology). The new global equilibrium could be a win-win outcome for the world but the process of moving to it is a painful one. Protectionism to avoid the transitional pains is, however, likely to end up in a lose-lose outcome for the world. China must therefore, in its own interests, help to reduce international tension by updating its strategy of international economic engagement. China has to go beyond being a passive beneficiary of the WTO system to being an active promoter of WTO objectives. China should work with the US to bring Doha Rounds negotiations to a successful conclusion. China must also play a stronger and more constructive role in the forthcoming international talks on global climate change. China and India are simply too big to be exempted for a long time from national ceilings on the emission of greenhouse gases. China will have to face down its internal political opposition to replace the backward state-controlled financial system with a dynamic, but well-regulated, diversified private financial system in order to eliminate the odd phenomenon of a poor country lending to a rich country. For its neighborhood, China should push for an Asian Economic Union that takes the form of a WTO-plus free trade and open investment area that has regional pooling of foreign exchange reserves. Since there is no prospect of free labor mobility within East Asia, monetary integration would produce an economically inefficient outcome. East Asia should therefore be focusing its energy on creating as large a free trade area as possible, and forgo the unrealistic goal of a common Asian currency.
机译:改革开放30年为中国带来了巨大的物质进步。通过成为一个大国,中国的行动对其他国家产生了巨大的溢出效应。结果是中国与其贸易伙伴之间的贸易紧张局势加剧。最近,有人声称中国长期的巨额贸易顺差破坏了全球金融稳定,并使世界陷入甚至不是1930年代大萧条的严重衰退。其他人则声称,中国工业化所产生的温室气体不久将引起灾难性的全球气候变化。消除这些负面溢出的一种简单而有效的方法是限制从中国的进口。富裕国家的劳动力承受着巨大的压力,原因是:(1)中国,印度和苏联集团的劳动力融入了世界经济; (2)加快技术创新(例如信息技术的革命)。新的全球平衡可能对世界来说是双赢的结果,但是要达到这一平衡是一个痛苦的过程。但是,为避免过渡之痛而采取的贸易保护主义有可能最终给世界带来失败的结果。因此,中国必须从自身利益出发,通过更新其国际经济参与战略来帮助减轻国际紧张局势。中国不仅要成为世贸组织体系的被动受益者,还必须成为世贸组织目标的积极推动者。中国应与美国合作,使多哈回合谈判取得圆满成功。在即将举行的有关全球气候变化的国际对话中,中国还必须发挥更强大和更具建设性的作用。中国和印度实在太大了,以至于不能长期免除温室气体排放的国家上限。为了消除贫困国家向富裕国家提供贷款的奇怪现象,中国将不得不面对内部政治反对派,以动态,但监管良好,多样化的私人金融体系取代落后的国家控制的金融体系。对于其邻国,中国应推动建立一个亚洲经济联盟,该联盟应以WTO形式的自由贸易和开放投资区的形式存在,该地区应具有区域性外汇储备。由于东亚地区没有自由劳动力流动的前景,货币一体化将产生经济效率低下的结果。因此,东亚应该将精力集中在建立尽可能大的自由贸易区上,并放弃亚洲共同货币的不现实目标。

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