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The Disproportionate Impact of Antigay Family Policies on Black and Latino Same-sex Couple Households

机译:反对同性恋家庭政策对黑人和拉丁裔同性伴侣家庭的影响不成比例

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This paper examines the racial dynamics of antigay activism, and the particular, disproportionate impact of antigay family policies on Black and Latino same-sex couple families. Starting in the mid-1990s, antigay activists have passed dozens of laws and constitutional amendments banning and repealing state recognition of gay and lesbian relationships. For two decades the antigay movement has portrayed sexual orientation nondiscrimination laws as “special rights” that threaten the civil rights of people of color, especially Black people. They have portrayed the gay and Black communities as mutually exclusive, and pointed out the obvious difference between race and sexual orientation, accusing gay activists of hijacking the civil rights legacy of the 1950s and 1960s. While antigay bias and racism are indeed different, legal protections for gay people and families do not threaten the civil rights of people of color, or anybody, for that matter. In fact, the cruel irony is that the antigay policies of the Christian right pose a disproportionate threat to Black and Latino same-sex couple families. This is because Black and Latino same-sex couples are twice as likely as White same-sex couples to be raising children (particularly Black and Latino lesbian couples), and because they earn less and are less likely to own the home they live in. Policies restricting family recognition, whether of partner relationships or parent–child relationships, disproportionately harm Black and Latino same-sex couple families. Black same-sex cohabiting partners are more likely than their White counterparts to hold public sector jobs which may offer domestic partner health insurance; many antigay marriage amendments and laws prevent public sector employers in those states from offering such benefits to gay and lesbian employees. Latino same-sex partners are more likely to be non-US citizens; this means they are disproportionately affected by the Immigration and Naturalization Service’s failure to recognize same-sex couple families. Both Black and Latina female same-sex partners (partnered lesbians) are more likely than their heterosexual and White non-Hispanic counterparts to serve in the military, despite the ban. They are also discharged at a higher rate. For all these reasons, equal treatment for same-sex couples and gay, lesbian and bisexual people constitute issues of racial justice as well as human rights and equality.
机译:本文研究了反同性恋行动主义的种族动态,以及反同性恋家庭政策对黑人和拉丁裔同性伴侣家庭的特殊,不成比例的影响。从1990年代中期开始,反同性恋活动家通过了数十部法律和宪法修正案,禁止和废除国家承认的同性恋关系。二十年来,反同性恋运动将性取向非歧视法描绘为“特殊权利”,威胁到有色人种,尤其是黑人的公民权利。他们将同性恋和黑人社区描述为互斥的,并指出了种族和性取向之间的明显区别,指责同性恋激进分子劫持了1950年代和1960年代的民权遗产。尽管反对同性恋的偏见和种族主义确实有所不同,但针对同性恋者和家庭的法律保护并没有威胁到有色人种或任何人的公民权利。实际上,具有讽刺意味的是,基督教权利的反同性恋政策对黑人和拉丁裔同性伴侣家庭构成了不成比例的威胁。这是因为黑人和拉丁裔同性夫妇抚养子女的可能性是白人同性伴侣(特别是黑人和拉丁裔女同性恋夫妇)的两倍,并且因为他们的收入较低,拥有住房的可能性也较小。限制家庭认可的政策,无论是伴侣关系还是亲子关系,都会对黑人和拉丁裔同性伴侣家庭造成极大的伤害。黑人同性同居伴侣比白人同居伴侣更有可能担任公共部门的工作,这些工作可以提供国内伴侣健康保险;许多反同性恋婚姻的修正案和法律禁止这些州的公共部门雇主向男女雇员提供此类福利。拉丁裔同性伴侣更有可能是非美国公民;这意味着,移民和归化局未能承认同性伴侣家庭对他们的影响尤其严重。尽管有禁令,黑人和拉丁裔女性同性伴侣(伴侣女同性恋者)比异性恋和白人非西班牙裔女性同伴服役的可能性更大。它们也以较高的速率排出。由于所有这些原因,对同性伴侣以及男同性恋,女同性恋和双性恋者的平等待遇构成了种族正义以及人权与平等的问题。

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