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The integrative force of political institutions? Direct democracy and voter turnout across ethnic and nativity groups

机译:政治机构的综合力量?跨越民族和纳税人群体的直接民主和选民投票

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Much has been written on the positive effect of direct democracy (initiatives, referendums) on voter turnout. However, we have limited knowledge about potential differential effects on voters belonging to various ethnic groups. The paper argues that depending on a group’s responsiveness to the political context, direct democracy can (dis-)integrate voters (from) into the electorate. Empirical analysis of Current Population Survey (CPS) voting supplement survey data, together with data on the absolute use of direct democracy across US states, corroborates this theoretical expectation, however lending more support for the disintegrating assumption. Frequent direct democratic elections further widen the negative voting gap between first-generation Asian voters and voters living in the US for three generations or longer, whereas they tend to diminish this voting gap for first-generation Hispanic voters. The disintegrative pattern for first-generation Asian voters remains even significant when excluding California from the state sample, yet not the integrative tendency for first-generation Hispanics. Additional analyses using alternative measures of direct democracy and voting, and applying statistical adjustments to address causality concerns, confirm the robustness of these findings, which shed light on the so-far underexplored (dis-)integrative potential of political institutions.
机译:很多人都是关于选民投票率的直接民主(倡议,公投)的积极影响。然而,我们对属于各种民族的选民的潜在差异影响有限。论文辩称,根据对政治背景的响应,直接民主可以(DIS-)将选民(来自)纳入选民。目前人口调查(CPS)投票补充调查数据的实证分析,以及对美国各国的绝对使用直接民主的数据,证实了这种理论期望,但是贷款更多支持崩解假设。频繁的直接民主选举进一步扩大了一代亚洲选民和在美国的选民之间的负面投票差距三代或更长,而他们倾向于削弱这一代销第一代西班牙裔选民的投票差距。第一代亚洲选民的解体模式甚至在从国家样本中排除加利福尼亚时甚至显着,但不是第一代西班牙裔的综合倾向。额外的分析使用直接民主和投票的替代措施,并应用统计调整以解决因果关系问题,确认这些发现的稳健性,阐明了对政治机构的到目前为止的未激光(DiS-)综合潜力的阐明。

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