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That Universall and Publik Manuscript’: The Book of Nature and The Garden of Cyrus.”

机译:那本《普世与普立克手稿》:《自然之书和居鲁士的花园》。

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These “two bookes” were known in the seventeenth century as the codex scriptus andthe codex vivus, but such an understanding of the world – as the book of nature, as atextual artefact – long predates Browne (Curtius 319). Ernst Robert Curtius finds thatthe metaphor derives “from the Latin Middle Ages” (319). “For the preacher”, he writesof this time, “the book of nature must figure with the Bible as a source of material”(319-20). Browne’s endorsement of this antique view evinces a system of thought thatsaw the natural world transcribed into a vividly textual form – a system of thought thatgains its fullest expression in Browne’s 1658 treatise The Garden of Cyrus. The purposeof this article is to demonstrate the way in which this system of thought relates closelyto those of early modern science. More particularly, I will trace the heretofore hiddenrelationship between Browne’s work on both The Garden of Cyrus (1658) and thesecond edition of Christopher Merrett’s Pinax Rerum Naturalium Britannicarum(1666-7), using the similarities and differences between these two books of nature tobetter explain how Browne conceived of his text.
机译:这“两本书”在十七世纪被称为法典手抄本和法典维维斯,但是对世界的理解-作为自然书,作为文物的人工制品-早于布朗(Curtius 319)。恩斯特·罗伯特·库蒂乌斯(Ernst Robert Curtius)发现,这种隐喻是“源自拉丁中世纪”(319)。他这次写道:“对于传教士”,“自然之书必须以圣经为素材”(319-20)。布朗对这种古老观点的认可表明,有一种思想体系将自然世界转化为生动的文本形式,这种思想体系在布朗的1658年论文《居鲁士的花园》中得到了最充分的体现。本文的目的是演示这种思想体系与早期现代科学体系紧密相关的方式。更具体地说,我将利用这两本自然书之间的异同来追溯布朗在《居鲁士的花园》(1658年)和克里斯托弗·梅雷特(Christopher Merrett)的第二版《皮纳克斯·鲁鲁自然史》(1666-7)第二版之间的隐藏关系。布朗如何构思他的文字。

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