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Justifying War in the Post-Cold War Era: Shifting Norms of International Society?

机译:为后冷战时代的战争辩护:国际社会规范的转变?

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摘要

These two cases show a clear shift in the justificatory discourses for war as employed by two US Presidents. National interest and "egoist" morality justifications were a common feature of both interventions, but it is the dramatic shift in the primary justification that is the most illuminating. The discourses show that national interest remained a vital part of any attempt by a US President to justify sending US forces into war. President George H. Bush's calls for an NWO certainly seemed to capture the imagination more successfully than President Clinton's humanitarian claims, particularly in the wake of US experience in Somalia. It is this primary justification that is the most interesting to note. National interest is traditionally seen as the primary US discourse and yet both these cases demonstrate a clear reference to something external to, or greater than, the US. International legal justifications looked to a future in which the UN worked as its designers had intended and the US took up a position from within the UN as indicated in its justifications to uphold the values of the UN.
机译:这两个案例表明,两位美国总统所雇用的战争辩护论点发生了明显变化。国家利益和“利己主义”的道德辩护是两种干预措施的共同特征,但最有启发性的是主要辩护的戏剧性转变。这些论述表明,国家利益仍然是美国总统为使美军参战的任何努力的重要组成部分。比起克林顿总统的人道主义主张,乔治·布什总统提出的建立核武器条约的呼吁似乎似乎更能成功地捕捉到想像力,特别是在美国在索马里的经历之后。最主要的注意就是这一主要理由。传统上,将国家利益视为美国的主要论述,但是,这两种情况都清楚地提到了美国以外或高于美国的事物。国际法律理由展望了联合国按照其设计者的意图开展工作的未来,而美国则根据其理由表明了联合国内部的立场,以维护联合国的价值观。

著录项

  • 来源
    《Defense & Security Analysis》 |2009年第4期|373-392|共20页
  • 作者

    Nicholas Kerton-Johnson;

  • 作者单位

    The Ephesus Initiative, 1 Castle Street, Stoke-sub-Hamdon, TA14 6RE, UK;

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  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
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  • 入库时间 2022-08-18 00:42:10

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