首页> 外文期刊>Central European History >Liberal Imperialism in Germany: Expansionism and Nationalism 1848–1884. By Matthew P. Fitzpatrick. Monographs in German History, vol. 23. New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books. 2008. Pp. x+237. Cloth $99.95. ISBN 978-1-84545-520-0
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Liberal Imperialism in Germany: Expansionism and Nationalism 1848–1884. By Matthew P. Fitzpatrick. Monographs in German History, vol. 23. New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books. 2008. Pp. x+237. Cloth $99.95. ISBN 978-1-84545-520-0

机译:德国的自由帝国主义:1848-1884年的扩张主义和民族主义。马修·菲茨帕特里克(Matthew P.在德国历史专着,卷。 23.纽约和牛津:伯格汉书社。 2008年。 x + 237。布料$ 99.95。书号978-1-84545-520-0

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“The support and funding of the fleet was articulated by the politically aware German public as a national task,” writes Matthew Fitzpatrick, “with naval associations quickly spreading throughout the German-speaking states and abroad, with private citizens vigorous in their appeals to establish a navy capable of asserting Germany's position abroad” (p. 36). The year is not 1898 but 1848, when all but one member of the Frankfurt National Assembly voted for the establishment of a German naval fleet, and even the lone dissident (Hermann Grubert of Breslau) recognized the potency of a navy as a symbol of national unity. According to Fitzpatrick, the enthusiasm of the 1848 revolutionaries for a naval fleet was no flash in the pan, but typical of early German liberalism's consistent embrace of colonialism and imperialism. “The history of early German imperialism and that of German liberalism were remarkably intertwined,” he observes, “yet the major English language surveys of German liberalism, Dieter Langewiesche's Liberalism in Germany and James Sheehan's German Liberalism in the Nineteenth Century, have underplayed to the point of omission the role played by imperialism in the formulation of not only a liberal identity, but of a liberal national ideal” (p. 7). As this quote suggests, the young historian from Flinders University, Australia, is not afraid to pick fights with some of the biggest names in the field: Thomas Nipperdey, Wolfgang Mommsen, and Hans-Ulrich Wehler come in for similar criticism. Each, he suggests, has tended to portray German colonial history “as an historical dead end half a century before it was to become one” (p. 5).
机译:马修·菲茨帕特里克(Matthew Fitzpatrick)写道:“舰队的支持和资金是由具有政治意识的德国公众表达出来的,这是一项国家任务,海军协会迅速在遍布德语的州和国外传播,私人公民积极呼吁建立拥有能够在德国的海外地位的海军”(第36页)。那年不是1898年,而是1848年,当时只有法兰克福国民议会的一名议员投票赞成建立一支德国海军舰队,甚至是唯一的异议人士(布雷斯劳的赫尔曼·格鲁伯特)也承认海军的力量是国民海军的象征统一。根据菲茨帕特里克(Fitzpatrick)的说法,1848年革命者对海军舰队的热情并非一flash而就,而是德国早期自由主义一贯拥护殖民主义和帝国主义的典型代表。他观察到:“早期德国帝国主义的历史与德国自由主义的历史紧密地交织在一起,”他观察到,“然而,对德国自由主义的主要英语调查,德国的迪特·朗格维谢的自由主义和19世纪的詹姆斯·希恩的德国自由主义,对英国的自由主义却不那么重视。遗漏的一点是帝国主义在制定自由主义身份,在建立自由主义国家理想中的作用”(第7页)。就像这句话所暗示的那样,来自澳大利亚弗林德斯大学的年轻历史学家不惧怕与该领域的一些知名人士打架:托马斯·尼珀德(Thomas Nipperdey),沃尔夫冈·莫姆森(Wolfgang Mommsen)和汉斯·乌尔里希·韦勒(Hans-Ulrich Wehler)也提出了类似的批评。他认为,每一种都倾向于将德国殖民历史描述为“在成为殖民地之前半个世纪的历史死胡同”(第5页)。

著录项

  • 来源
    《Central European History》 |2009年第4期|p.768-770|共3页
  • 作者

    Matthew Jefferies;

  • 作者单位

    University of Manchester;

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  • 正文语种 eng
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  • 入库时间 2022-08-17 13:59:58

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