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Barley (Hordeum vulgare) in the Okhotsk culture (5th–10th century AD) of northern Japan and the role of cultivated plants in hunter–gatherer economies

机译:日本北部鄂霍次克文化(公元5至10世纪)中的大麦(大麦)以及栽培植物在猎人/采集者经济中的作用

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摘要

This paper discusses archaeobotanical remains of naked barley recovered from the Okhotsk cultural layers of the Hamanaka 2 archaeological site on Rebun Island, northern Japan. Calibrated ages (68% confidence interval) of the directly dated barley remains suggest that the crop was used at the site ca. 440–890 cal yr AD. Together with the finds from the Oumu site (north-eastern Hokkaido Island), the recovered seed assemblage marks the oldest well-documented evidence for the use of barley in the Hokkaido Region. The archaeobotanical data together with the results of a detailed pollen analysis of contemporaneous sediment layers from the bottom of nearby Lake Kushu point to low-level food production, including cultivation of barley and possible management of wild plants that complemented a wide range of foods derived from hunting, fishing, and gathering. This qualifies the people of the Okhotsk culture as one element of the long-term and spatially broader Holocene hunter–gatherer cultural complex (including also Jomon, Epi-Jomon, Satsumon, and Ainu cultures) of the Japanese archipelago, which may be placed somewhere between the traditionally accepted boundaries between foraging and agriculture. To our knowledge, the archaeobotanical assemblages from the Hokkaido Okhotsk culture sites highlight the north-eastern limit of prehistoric barley dispersal. Seed morphological characteristics identify two different barley phenotypes in the Hokkaido Region. One compact type (naked barley) associated with the Okhotsk culture and a less compact type (hulled barley) associated with Early–Middle Satsumon culture sites. This supports earlier suggestions that the “Satsumon type” barley was likely propagated by the expansion of the Yayoi culture via south-western Japan, while the “Okhotsk type” spread from the continental Russian Far East region, across the Sea of Japan. After the two phenotypes were independently introduced to Hokkaido, the boundary between both barley domains possibly existed ca. 600–1000 cal yr AD across the island region. Despite a large body of studies and numerous theoretical and conceptual debates, the question of how to differentiate between hunter–gatherer and farming economies persists reflecting the wide range of dynamic subsistence strategies used by humans through the Holocene. Our current study contributes to the ongoing discussion of this important issue.
机译:本文讨论了从日本北部礼文岛Hamanaka 2考古遗址的鄂霍次克文化层中发现的裸大麦的考古植物遗骸。标有日期的大麦残留物的校正年龄(68%的置信区间)表明,该作物已在现场使用。公元440–890年。与Oumu遗址(北海道东北部东北部)的发现一起,回收的种子组合标志着北海道地区使用大麦的最有据可查的证据。考古植物学数据以及对附近库苏湖底部至低水平粮食生产的同时期沉积物层进行详细花粉分析的结果,包括大麦的种植和可能的野生植物管理,从而补充了从中提取的多种食物打猎,钓鱼和聚会。这使鄂霍次克人有资格成为日本群岛的长期且在空间上更广泛的全新世猎人-采集者文化综合体(还包括绳纹,Epi-Jomon,萨摩门和阿伊努文化)的要素之一在传统上公认的觅食和农业之间的界限之间。据我们所知,来自北海道鄂霍次克文化遗址的古植物群落突出了史前大麦扩散的东北界限。种子的形态特征确定了北海道地区两种不同的大麦表型。一种与鄂霍次克文化有关的紧凑型(裸大麦),而与萨摩门早期至中期文化场所有关的一种紧凑型(去壳大麦)。这支持了先前的建议,即“萨摩门型”大麦可能是由于弥生文化通过日本西南部传播而传播的,而“鄂霍次克型”大麦则从俄罗斯远东大陆地区横渡日本海传播。在将两个表型独立引入北海道后,两个大麦域之间的边界可能存在。整个岛屿地区,公元600-1000 cal年。尽管进行了大量的研究,并进行了许多理论和概念上的争论,但如何区分猎人与采集者经济与农业经济之间的问题仍然存在,这反映了人类通过全新世使用的多种动态生存策略。我们当前的研究有助于对该重要问题的持续讨论。

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