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The genealogy of a world-empire: The Ottomans in world history.

机译:世界帝国的家谱:世界历史中的奥斯曼帝国。

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This dissertation aims to analyze the formation of the Ottoman Empire and to make a contribution to the scholarship by presenting a possible new perspective. The inspiration to choose this field as a dissertation subject stemmed not only from my personal interest in the problem, but also from the rather obvious observation that the academic discussion of the socio-political dynamics of the empire's formative period has been locked into hardened factions and false debates. Because of the limited temporal and spatial scope of the existing studies and because of the lack of a comparative approach, the issue has not been seen in its totality and has therefore not been resolved. A rather "closed" viewpoint has prevented Ottoman historians from benefiting from potentially very useful social-scientific, world-historical, and comparative tools that might provide them with new insights. In sum, the debate has been deadlocked to such an extent that it is an absolute must for researchers to now look beyond the conceptual, temporal, and spatial limits of the current historiography in order to produce any useful contribution.;In order to move beyond the limits of the literature, I first adopt a world-centric approach which sees every single large-scale "success story" in history---such as a world-conquest, a world-empire, civilization, or universal religion---as the product of world history. By using the term "world history," I do not imply a compilation of isolated events, civilizations, or ideas; rather, following the footsteps of a number of world historians of the last forty or so years, I refer to the constants borrowings, exchanges, syntheses, and fusions between different cultures and modes of life as the essential motor of world-historical processes.;Accordingly, I have tried to show that the formation of the Ottoman Empire as a large-scale "success story" can only be grasped in the context of world history as determined by webs of information, culture, trade, politics, diplomacy, war, and the like. Yet, in analyzing the issue, I have attempted to include not only the contemporary world history of the Ottomans, but also the long world history and its accumulation of knowledge that had existed before, without which the Ottoman venture would not have been feasible.;Dealing with a certain historical problem, such as the formation of the Ottoman Empire, from a world history perspective necessarily extends the scale in space and time where we seek to find the explanation. Different scales provide different answers, insights and views, just like different maps with different scales provide different views. In other words, my spatial, temporal, and conceptual unit of analysis is much wider than the specific unit of observation, namely the Ottoman Empire.;The working argument throughout this text is that the formation of the empire can be comprehensible in its totality only as a fusion of different time-spaces in a particular time and space. This Braudelien approach is necessarily comparative and world-historical. By focusing on various time-spaces and their clashes, recurring patterns of world history, intensifying interactions between different cultures, and by finally demonstrating the relevancy of all these to the formation of the Ottoman Empire, the issue becomes much more graspable. That is to say, if different times of different speeds such as long terms, cycles, and events, with their accompanying spaces, are taken into account, it is seen that they all contributed to the emergence of the empire with their respective qualities. Specifically, I have divided world history into the nomadic longue duree (composed of socio-political cycles), the sedentary-tributary longue duree (composed of socio-political cycles), and kairos as the right time for a specific action; each of these durations are accompanied by specific spaces, which I have discussed in three separate chapters. As it happened elsewhere many times, the nomadic mode of life of Greater Central Asia clashed with the sedentary civilization of the Near East in the 14th and 15th centuries in a particular geography, that is, Anatolia and the Balkans. The fusion of these two essentially different sets of social structure, mentality, culture, and warfare in the time of events as kairos created the Ottoman Empire.;In brief, this dissertation aims to be a comparative historical sociology of the formation of the empire, not its history.
机译:本论文旨在分析奥斯曼帝国的形成,并通过提出一个可能的新视角为奥斯曼帝国做出贡献。选择该领域作为论文主题的灵感不仅来自于我对这个问题的个人兴趣,还来自一个非常明显的观察结果,即关于帝国形成时期的社会政治动态的学术讨论已被束缚在顽固的派系和错误的辩论。由于现有研究的时空范围有限,并且由于缺乏比较方法,因此尚未全面看到该问题,因此尚未解决。一种相当“封闭”的观点阻止了奥斯曼历史学家从可能非常有用的社会科学,世界历史和比较工具中受益,这些工具可能会为他们提供新的见解。总而言之,辩论陷入僵局,以至于研究人员现在绝对必须超越当前史学的概念,时间和空间范围,以便做出任何有益的贡献。在文学的范围内,我首先采用以世界为中心的方法,该方法可以看到历史上每一个大型的“成功故事”,例如世界征服,世界帝国,文明或普世宗教-作为世界历史的产物。通过使用“世界历史”一词,我并不意味着孤立的事件,文明或思想的汇编;相反,我遵循过去四十多年的许多世界历史学家的脚步,将不同文化和生活方式之间的不断借鉴,交流,综合和融合视为世界历史进程的主要动力。因此,我试图表明,奥斯曼帝国作为大规模“成功故事”的形成只能在由信息,文化,贸易,政治,外交,战争,等等。然而,在分析这个问题时,我不仅试图包括奥斯曼帝国的当代世界历史,而且还包括悠久的世界历史及其以前存在的知识积累,否则,奥斯曼帝国的冒险将是不可行的。从世界历史的角度出发,处理某些历史问题,例如奥斯曼帝国的形成,必然会扩大我们试图寻找解释的时空范围。不同的比例提供不同的答案,见解和观点,就像不同比例的不同地图提供不同的观点一样。换句话说,我的空间,时间和概念分析单位要比特定的观察单位,即奥斯曼帝国大得多。;贯穿本文的工作论点是,帝国的形成只能整体上可以理解作为特定时间和空间中不同时空的融合。这种布劳德利安方法必定是比较性的和世界历史的。通过关注各种时空及其冲突,不断重复的世界历史格局,加强不同文化之间的互动,并最终证明所有这些与奥斯曼帝国的形成有关,这个问题变得更加容易掌握。也就是说,如果考虑到诸如长期,周期和事件之类的不同速度的不同时间及其伴随的空间,可以看出它们都以各自的特质为帝国的崛起做出了贡献。具体来说,我将世界历史划分为游牧贵族杜蕾(由社会政治周期组成),久坐与分娩贵族杜蕾(由社会政治周期组成)和开罗作为采取特定行动的合适时机。这些持续时间中的每一个都带有特定的空格,我已经在三个单独的章节中进行了讨论。正如在其他地方多次发生的那样,大中亚的游牧生活方式与14世纪和15世纪特定地区(即安纳托利亚和巴尔干地区)的近东久坐的文明冲突。在开罗创造奥斯曼帝国的事件发生时,这两种本质上不同的社会结构,思想,文化和战争的融合。简而言之,本论文旨在成为帝国形成的比较历史社会学,不是它的历史。

著录项

  • 作者

    Unlu, Resat Baris.;

  • 作者单位

    State University of New York at Binghamton.;

  • 授予单位 State University of New York at Binghamton.;
  • 学科 History General.;Sociology General.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2008
  • 页码 257 p.
  • 总页数 257
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 世界史;社会学;
  • 关键词

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