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Ideologues and pragmatists: World War II, new Communists, and persistent dilemmas of the Soviet party-state, 1941--1953.

机译:思想家和实用主义者:第二次世界大战,新共产党人和苏维埃政党国家的持续困境,1941--1953年。

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摘要

The decision-making paradigm of the Soviet party-state was defined by the persistent shortage of qualified manpower that afflicted the Russian elite. The traditional Russian problems of under administration, combined with the unique features of the Soviet political system, resulted in a dichotomy between practical and ideological demands. The era of WWII provides a microcosm of pressures facing the Kremlin and illustrates the cyclical nature of policy formation forced on it by the paradoxes of the system.;As the party's responsibilities expanded into specialized economic and military areas, political experts increasingly depended on the specialized professionals. These trends grew increased drastically during the war. An unexpected consequence of the party's expansion into economic or military professions was the discovery that co-optation worked both ways and many party members become managers rather than ideological overseers. Throughout the existential crisis of the system - the war and its aftermath - the party would find itself in a fundamental conflict over its identity, challenged over its role both vis-a-vis the state and its own priorities.;After an abortive attempt by Zhdanov to reverse the wartime trends, a new paradigm was articulated by the party during the last five years of Stalin's reign. This resulted in the emergence of a new elite consensus which envisioned the party as intergral and invasive economic actor. This shift in the party's identity was the price of maintaining centralized political power and came at the expense of the focus on ideological purity.;In the long term, however, the diminished role of ideology robbed the party of its core value system and steadily eroded its legitimizing and self-energizing power. Over time, the new consensus would undermine the very foundations of the party-state construct. Yet if the USSR was to survive as a modern, industrialized state, the accommodation with the technocrats was necessary. The contradiction between ideological and pragmatic aims was inherent to the system, and demanded an eventual choice between the long-term health of the state and that of the party.
机译:苏联政党国家的决策范式是由长期困扰俄罗斯精英的合格人才定义的。俄罗斯传统上的行政管理问题,加上苏联政治制度的独特特征,导致了实践要求和意识形态要求之间的二分法。第二次世界大战的时代提供了克里姆林宫面临的压力的缩影,并说明了该系统悖论迫使其形成的政策的周期性。随着党的职责扩展到专门的经济和军事领域,政治专家越来越依赖专门的专家。专业人士。在战争期间,这些趋势急剧增加。党扩大到经济或军事专业的一个意外结果是发现,选民合作既有作用,又有许多党员成为管理者,而不是意识形态监督员。在整个系统的生存危机中-战争及其后果-该党将在身份认同方面陷入根本冲突,对其相对于国家及其优先任务的角色提出挑战。兹丹诺夫(Zhdanov)为了扭转战时趋势,在斯大林在位的最后五年中,该党提出了新的范式。这导致了新的精英共识的出现,该共识使该党成为了整合和侵入性经济参与者。党的身份的这种转变是维持中央集权的政治代价,并且是以对意识形态纯洁性的关注为代价的;但是,从长远来看,意识形态的作用削弱了党的核心价值体系,并逐渐受到侵蚀。它具有合法性和自我激励能力。随着时间的流逝,新的共识将破坏党国体制的基础。但是,如果苏联要作为一个现代化的工业化国家生存下来,必须与技术专家相处。意识形态和务实目标之间的矛盾是制度固有的,要求在国家的长期健康和党的长期健康之间做出最终的选择。

著录项

  • 作者

    Stotland, Daniel.;

  • 作者单位

    University of Maryland, College Park.;

  • 授予单位 University of Maryland, College Park.;
  • 学科 History Russian and Soviet.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2010
  • 页码 440 p.
  • 总页数 440
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

  • 入库时间 2022-08-17 11:36:54

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