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Agreement at the Boundaries: Synchronic and Diachronic Approaches to ϕ-Agreement in the Left Periphery

机译:在边界达成协议:φ-在左外围达成协议的同步和历时性方法

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摘要

This dissertation examines complementizer agreement (CA) phenomena in which ϕ-features appear on a complementizer, clause-linking marker, or otherwise, syntactically speaking, at the C0 position.;This dissertation will argue that CA is in fact a straightforward output of the syntax module under standard Minimalist assumptions, and that the analysis of CA requires that we simplify rather than complicate our understanding of the probe-goal relationship. CA may be the result of a uϕ-probe at C 0 acting alone, agreeing with a closest goal in situ. More common are cases where CA in relative clauses results from the combination of Agree and movement into specC.;An independent ϕ-probe at C0 is both synchronically necessary, and also to be diachronically expected given the source constructions. I argue that the goals available for probes at C0 are fed into the closest goal position by the lower structure and that argument structure---e.g., the placement and feature checking of subjects and objects---and information structure---e.g., the raising of Topics---may feed arguments and their ϕ-features into the path of C0's probes and yield CA. Cross-linguistic differences in the ability of non-subjects to agree at C follow straightforwardly from differences in the reusability of ϕ-features in different languages (cf. Carstens 2003).;Diachronically, having u? probe at C0 is the natural output of syntactic directionality (as argued for by, e.g., van Gelderen 2009). ϕ-features of source constructions influence the ϕ-features found in their descendants; upward- (Bantu) and downward- (Germanic) agreeing CA are the outputs of different diachronic developments. One has its source in the inherent ϕ-features of a pronoun (goal reanalyzed as probe), while the other is a reanalysis of a verb as a complementizer (T-to-C reanalysis).;I propose that CA---while typologically exotic---is syntactically normal. Accounting for CA with a normal Agree relation solves several theoretical issues for the C-T relationship and provides valuable insight into the nature of probes and the behavior of Agree.
机译:本文研究了补语一致(CA)现象,即在补语,从句链接标记或句法上讲在C0位置出现φ特征。论文将论证CA实际上是C的直接输出。标准极简主义假设下的语法模块,以及对CA的分析要求我们简化而不是使我们对探查目标关系的理解变得复杂。 CA可能是C 0处的u-探针单独作用的结果,与原位最接近的目标相符。更常见的情况是,在相对子句中的CA是由Agree和移入specC的组合产生的。C0处的独立φ探针既是同步必需的,又是给定源构造的历时期望。我认为,在C0处可用于探测的目标由下部结构和参数结构(例如,主题和对象的放置和特征检查)以及信息结构(例如,主题的提出-可以将参数及其特征传递到C0的探测路径中并产生CA。非主题在C语言上达成一致的能力的跨语言差异直接源自不同语言中φ功能的可重用性差异(参见Carstens 2003)。语法方向性的自然输出(如van Gelderen 2009所主张)。源构造的特征会影响其后代中的特征。向上(班图语)和向下(德语)语意一致的CA是不同历时发展的结果。一个源于代词的固有φ特征(目标被重新分析为探针),而另一个源于动词的重新分析作为补语(T到C重新分析)。我建议CA--在类型上是异国情调的,在语法上是正常的。对具有正常“同意”关系的CA进行会计处理可以解决C-T关系的几个理论问题,并提供对探针性质和“同意”行为的宝贵见解。

著录项

  • 作者

    Courtney, Sarah Gray.;

  • 作者单位

    Cornell University.;

  • 授予单位 Cornell University.;
  • 学科 Linguistics.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2017
  • 页码 158 p.
  • 总页数 158
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

  • 入库时间 2022-08-17 11:38:24

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