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LIBERAL POLITICAL OPPOSITION IN KUOMINTANG AND COMMUNIST CHINA: LO LUNG-CHI IN CHINESE POLITICS, 1928-1958.

机译:国民党和共产主义中国的自由政治反对派:中国政治中的罗龙池,1928-1958年。

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摘要

This is a study of the career of a Chinese liberal intellectual during four decades framed loosely by the May Fourth Movement and the Hundred Flowers Campaign. An essayist and editorialist, publicist and politician, Lo Lung-chi received his formative schooling in the days when liberal values first became widely disseminated on the campuses of schools and universities in Peking during the late teens and early twenties and championed a liberal alternative in China until his final downfall after the "blooming and contending" of the spring of 1957, the last gasp of his generation of Chinese liberals.;Lo's hopes for the realization of a liberal order in China were predicated on the assumption that the intellectuals, a group traditionally called upon to fill positions of responsibility in Chinese government, would eventually be turned to by political authorities--whose power was derived ultimately from force of arms--to aid not only in the tasks of administration, but in the complex processes of economic development. If the chih-shih fentzu correctly appreciated the elements of the liberal "way" they would then eventually be in a position to insist on the creation of a political order satisfactory to them. The intellectuals in China would thus play the role performed by the bourgeoisie in the West in building a liberal republic. It was with such a scenario in mind that Lo came forward again in 1956-1957 to indict the Communist government for falling heir to the Kuomintang's "Empire of the Party" and to challenge several of the basic ideological premises of the regime.;The thesis recognizes the limitations of Lo Lung-chi as an individual and seeks to go beyond the problem of the "failure of liberalism" in China to explore broader and persistent issues in modern Chinese history which the liberals addressed: the use and misuse of talent, the relationship between intellectuals and the state, the relationship between individual freedom and public order, and the relationship between freedom and growth and development.;Through essays in Hsin-yueh, the leading journal of the Anglo-American returned student set from 1928 to 1932, and editorials in Yi shih pao, one of the largest dailies in North China during the thirties, Lo sought not only to inform Chinese readers of the meaning of core values of the Western liberal outlook--individual freedom, rule of law, constitutional government, intellectual and political pluralism, tolerance for diversity--but, moreover, to make liberalism in China capable of inciting the emotional response and commitment to action generated by the ideologies of the left and the right. He discussed these values not merely as abstract principles, but sought to link them to the concrete realities of China's domestic and international political environment. A political system in which rival political parties could coexist in an atmosphere of mutual toleration and in which individual liberty was affirmed in a "human rights" section of a constitution was seen as essential to national unity and the cultivation of the public spirit necessary to meet foreign aggression. In the 1940s Lo went beyond the role of publicist to emerge as a political tactician, fashioning alliances among intellectuals and minor political groups in an attempt to galvanize out of the majority non-aligned elements of public opinion a movement capable of inserting itself between the principal armed antagonists and playing the role of arbitrator of China's fratricidal war.
机译:这是对中国自由派知识分子在四十年内的职业生涯的研究,其由五四运动和百花运动松散地进行了框架。卢龙池(Lo Lung-chi)是散文家,社论家,公关家和政治家,他在十几岁末至二十世纪初在北京的学校和大学校园内广泛传播自由主义价值观,并倡导在中国倡导一种自由主义选择的时代接受了他的形成性教育。直到他在1957年春天“大放异彩”之后的最后一次垮台,这是他这一代中国自由主义者的最后一次喘息。Lo希望在中国实现自由主义秩序的希望是基于这样一个假设,即知识分子,一个群体传统上要求填补中国政府的责任职位,最终将由政治权力机构转向权力机构,其权力最终来自武力,不仅在行政管理任务中,而且在复杂的经济过程中均提供帮助发展。如果chih-shih fentzu正确地理解了自由主义“道路”的要素,那么他们最终将能够坚持要求建立令他们满意的政治秩序。因此,中国的知识分子将在建立自由共和国的过程中扮演西方资产阶级的角色。考虑到这种情况,卢在1956-1957年再次提出起诉,要求共产党政府成为国民党“党的帝国”的继承人,并挑战该政权的几个基本意识形态前提。意识到卢龙池个人的局限性,并寻求超越中国“自由主义失败”的问题,以探究中国近现代史上自由主义者解决的更广泛和持久的问题:人才的使用和滥用,知识分子与国家之间的关系,个人自由与公共秩序之间的关系,以及自由与增长与发展之间的关系。;《新月报》上的论文,载于1928年至1932年的英美留学生归来期刊,和《三十世纪三十年代华北最大日报》之一的《时事报》的社论,罗志强不仅要向中国读者介绍西方自由主义者的核心价值观观点-个人自由,法治,宪政,知识和政治多元化,对多样性的容忍-但此外,要使中国的自由主义能够煽动左派和左派意识形态产生的情感反应和对行动的承诺正确的。他不仅将这些价值观作为抽象的原则进行了讨论,而且试图将它们与中国国内和国际政治环境的具体现实联系起来。一种政治体制,在这种体制中,相互竞争的政党可以在相互宽容的气氛中共存,并且在宪法的“人权”部分中确认了个人自由,这对民族团结和培养实现民主的必要精神至关重要。外患。在1940年代,卢(Lo)超越了公共主义者的角色,成为一名政治战术家,在知识分子和次要政治团体之间建立了联盟,以试图从多数不结盟的舆论中激发出一种能够在主体之间插入自己的运动。武装对立和扮演中国自相残杀战争的仲裁员。

著录项

  • 作者

    SPAR, FREDRIC J.;

  • 作者单位

    Brown University.;

  • 授予单位 Brown University.;
  • 学科 History Asia Australia and Oceania.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 1980
  • 页码 366 p.
  • 总页数 366
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

  • 入库时间 2022-08-17 11:51:37

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