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The cradle of revolution: Politics and society in Canton, 1900-1927.

机译:革命的摇篮:1900-1927年的广州政治与社会。

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摘要

In their search for the "origins' of revolutionary movements, historians have often assumed an unmediated causal nexus between the social and the political. Motivations attributed to the populace are regarded as having sprung directly from their social experiences. In the case of the Chinese Nationalist Revolution (ca. 1923-28), the episode has often been depicted as a popular movement in which the masses were methodically and successfully mobilized by a committed political leadership, which articulated the "anti-imperialist" and "class" interests of the participants. The source of such a portrayal can be traced, of course, to the official representation of the revolution. By examining in some detail the history of Canton (Guangzhou), the base of the revolution, in the first quarter of this century, it is argued in this dissertation that the relationships between the social and the political within the movement were protean and ungrounded, and that the dynamics of the revolution itself cannot be fully comprehended in isolation from the formulation of its language.;Much of our current sensibility with regard to twentieth-century Chinese history is still bound to the political language which first gained dominance in this period. By focusing on the specific process through which the notions of "anti-imperialism" and "class" became dominant discourses, it is hoped that this study will create a small opening for reflections on our understanding of modern China's historical trajectory.;Instead of conceding to nationalism and social mobilization the adequate explanatory force needed to sustain the orthodox paradigm, it is asked here what the revolutionary discourses of "anti-imperialism" and "class" actually meant in relation to the social formations of Canton. The socio-economic transformation of early twentieth-century Canton is thus scrutinized. Of particular interest is the current concern among historians regarding the articulation of an autonomous space for "civil society" in late Qing and early republican China. How useful is it to posit a dichotomy between political and civil societies in China during this period? The question is dealt with in further detail in light of the efforts of the Nationalists and the Communists to forge a revolutionary base in Canton in the mid-1920's. It is suggested that their putative success at mobilization has been exaggerated. Rather the revolution had a certain momentum of its own, which was irreducible to any social essence. Indeed, the deployment of political discourses as an instrument of the revolution, that is to say, as a means to define rather than to reflect the revolutionary process, should be seen within the context of the considerable barriers encountered by the political elites in their organizational work.
机译:历史学家在寻找革命运动的“起源”时,常常假定社会与政治之间没有因果关系,而民众的动机被认为是直接源于他们的社会经验。革命(大约1923-28年)通常被描述为一种流行运动,在这种运动中,坚定的政治领导层有条不紊地成功地动员了群众,表达了参与者的“反帝国主义”和“阶级”利益当然,这种刻画的源头可以追溯到革命的正式代表,通过详细研究革命的基础广州(广州)的历史,可以追溯到本世纪初。这篇论文认为运动中社会与政治之间的关系是千篇一律且没有根据的,革命本身的动力不能仅仅从语言的表述中就不能完全理解它。;我们目前对二十世纪中国历史的许多敏感性仍然与这一时期首先占主导地位的政治语言联系在一起。希望通过关注“反帝国主义”和“阶级”概念成为主流话语的具体过程,希望这项研究将为我们对现代中国历史轨迹的理解开辟一个小开放的空间。对于民族主义和社会动员而言,维持正统范式所需的足够的解释力在这里被问到,“反帝国主义”和“阶级”的革命话语对于广州的社会形态实际上意味着什么。因此,对二十世纪初广州的社会经济转型进行了审查。特别令人感兴趣的是,历史学家们当前对在清末民国初年为“公民社会”建立自治空间的关注。在此期间,在中国的政治与公民社会之间进行二分法有多大用处?鉴于国民党和共产党为在1920年代中期在广州建立革命根据地所做的努力,对该问题作了进一步的详细处理。建议夸大他们在动员方面的成功。相反,革命有其自己的某种势头,这是任何社会本质所无法避免的。确实,政治话语的部署是革命的手段,也就是说,它是定义而不是反映革命过程的一种手段,应该在政治精英在其组织过程中遇到的巨大障碍的背景下看待。工作。

著录项

  • 作者

    Tsin, Michael Tsang-Woon.;

  • 作者单位

    Princeton University.;

  • 授予单位 Princeton University.;
  • 学科 History Asia Australia and Oceania.;Political Science General.;History General.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 1990
  • 页码 385 p.
  • 总页数 385
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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