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Null operator-variable structures, predication and the interpretive interface.

机译:空运算符变量结构,谓词和解释性接口。

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This dissertation proposes an analysis of the syntax, semantics and distribution of the predication relation linking a CP-adjoined expression to a predicative CP node as in clefts and topicalization structures (cf. Chomsky 1977; Heggie 1993). This relation is referred to as A-bar predication.; This work argues for a more streamlined theory of the interface between syntax and semantics in which A-bar predicational structures always involve an XP operator-variable structure, to the exclusion of X{dollar}sp0{dollar} operator-variable structures argued for by Baltin (1991) on the basis of predicate cleft data, and Iatridou (1991) on the basis of clitic left-dislocation. This also eliminates the need for Koopman's (1983) long head movement, and Dobrovie-Sorin's (1990) nonquantificational wh-movement.; This streamlining follows from the introduction of a new type of null operator: the derived silent operator (DSO). DSOs are XP categories in SpecC, emptied of phonological content after the application of movements. Thus, predicate clefts result from the movement of a derived silent predicate-level operator made available to the grammar by the obligatory movements of the verbs and their arguments. Clitic left-dislocation results from the operator movement of a DP category, after cliticization of the D head.; DSO analyses challenge the idea that operators do not have content, and that their sole function is to derive a configuration that allows for the natural language equivalent to the {dollar}lambda{dollar}-abstractor. The derived silent operators proposed in this dissertation have content. The VP operator of predicate clefts encodes theta relations which determine the kind of properties that the derived VP-level operator will quantify over. Similarly, the DP operator, resulting from cliticization, has the semantics of a determiner, with properties of A-bar predicational structures following from these semantics.; Lastly, it is observed that in a theory that allows for null operators, the range of A-bar predicational structures is greater than traditionally thought. The possibility that null operators allow for covert clitic left-dislocation structures proposed by Zwart (1993) is investigated. This hypothesis is shown to provide an interesting treatment of weak island asymmetries.
机译:这篇论文提出了对谓词关系的句法,语义和分布的分析,该关系将CP附加表达与谓词CP节点连接起来(如裂痕和主题化结构一样)(参见Chomsky 1977; Heggie 1993)。这种关系称为A-bar预测。这项工作主张在语法和语义之间的接口上使用更简化的理论,其中A-bar谓词结构始终涉及XP运算符可变结构,但X {dollar} sp0 {dollar}运算符可变结构被排除在外。 Baltin(1991)基于谓词裂缝数据,Iatridou(1991)基于气候左位错。这也消除了对Koopman(1983)的长头运动和Dobrovie-Sorin(1990)的非量化Wh运动的需求。这种简化是在引入一种新型的空运算符之后得出的:派生的静默运算符(DSO)。 DSO是SpecC中的XP类别,应用了动作后便清空了语音内容。因此,谓词裂变是由于动词及其自变量的强制性运动使派生的无谓谓语水平算子对语法有用的结果。潮解性左移位是由于D头发生气候变化后,操作员移动了DP类而引起的。 DSO分析挑战了操作员没有内容的想法,他们唯一的功能是得出一种配置,该配置允许使用等同于{dollar} lambda {dollar} -abstractor的自然语言。本文提出的派生无声算子具有一定的内容。谓词裂痕的VP运算符对theta关系进行编码,这些关系确定了派生的VP级运算符将对其进行量化的属性的类型。类似地,由于气候化而产生的DP运算符具有确定程序的语义,并具有遵循这些语义的A-bar谓词结构的属性。最后,可以观察到,在允许空运算符的理论中,A-bar谓词结构的范围比传统上更大。 Zwart(1993)提出了零算子允许隐蔽的气候左位错结构的可能性。结果表明,该假设为弱岛不对称提供了有趣的解决方法。

著录项

  • 作者单位

    Cornell University.;

  • 授予单位 Cornell University.;
  • 学科 Language Linguistics.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 1995
  • 页码 333 p.
  • 总页数 333
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 语言学;
  • 关键词

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