首页> 外文学位 >Black Vienna, red Vienna: The struggle for intellectual and political hegemony in interwar Vienna, 1918--1938.
【24h】

Black Vienna, red Vienna: The struggle for intellectual and political hegemony in interwar Vienna, 1918--1938.

机译:黑色维也纳,红色维也纳:两次世界大战之间的知识和政治霸权斗争,1918--1938年。

获取原文
获取原文并翻译 | 示例

摘要

My dissertation looks at the complex interplay between intellectual and political associations in interwar Vienna. Contrary to common belief, the Viennese cultural scene did not die out after the World War; in fact, the intellectual landscape expanded in the turbulent postwar period. Significant new movements in philosophy, sociology and psychology emerged in the 1920s while established ones - psychoanalysis and Austro-Marxism, to name but two - received fresh stimuli. These intellectual developments did not take place in a vacuum, however. Not only was there significant interaction between these discrete disciplinary groups, but also there were strong connections to the political parties in Vienna. These contacts had a profound impact on Vienna. School and welfare reform, free psychology centers and adult education programs were but a few of the innovations supported by progressive Viennese intellectual circles. The socialist government of Vienna and the leading Austro-Marxist theoreticians likewise encouraged the efforts of these intellectuals. Consequently, the "red" Viennese intelligentsia applied itself to questions that had significance well beyond the scholarly world. Their efforts had a reciprocal effect on the development of Austria's unique brand of socialism.;Despite its reputation as a bastion of radical socialist thought, Viennese intellectual life was by no means unified. The city government may have been "red," but neither the national government nor the universities were. In fact, one could argue that "Black Vienna" more aptly describes interwar Viennese intellectual life. Large Catholic and conservative intellectual communities coexisted alongside the progressive ones. These conservative thinkers voiced sustained critiques of the postwar democratic order and provided a theoretical foundation for right-wing movements like the Heimwehr and the Fatherland Front. Moreover they contributed importantly to debates in political theory, sociology and philosophy. Ultimately, this large (and thus far largely neglected) group of intellectuals hastened the destruction of the First Republic and facilitated the establishment of the Standestaat under Dollfuss and Schuschnigg (to say nothing of the support many lent to Hitler). In return for their support, these men and women found academic and social opportunities in the new state. In sum, the charged political environment of interwar Vienna shaped the ideological development of its intellectuals, radicalizing their politics and encouraging political activism. Conversely, the intellectuals also reshaped Austrian political and social life.;This project centers on five key intellectual circles: (1) the Vienna Circle of logical empiricists; (2) the Austro-Marxist theoreticians associated with Der Kampf; (3) the Buhler Kreis of psychologists and sociologists; (4) the "Universalist" School around the sociologist and philosopher Othmar Spann; (5) the Catholic intellectuals affiliated with writer Richard von Kralik and the publicist Joseph Eberle's weeklies, Das Neue Reich and Die Schonere Zukunft. In addition to explicating the intellectual and practical work of these groups, it will demonstrate interdisciplinary affiliations and affinities. To date, there has been little intensive work on these intellectual interactions and almost all of the scholarship has focused on the progressive, "red" circles. No major monographs on interwar Vienna have examined the intellectual importance of the Spann-Schule or the Kralik-Kreis. Though scholars have discussed the left-leaning circles discretely, they have not attempted to integrate them into the larger Viennese social and political context. The picture that emerges of interwar Vienna intellectual culture diverges sharply from standard ones: intellectuals, on both the left and right, were not apolitical theoreticians; they were politically engaged individuals with a commitment to social and political change. Often their political and social views were more radical than the political party system in Austria allowed. Moreover, the project will challenge received notions about Viennese cultural life. The city was hardly an isolated "fortress" capital of a rump state; intellectuals established strong connections to philosophical and wissenschaftlich movements throughout Europe and around the globe. Interwar Vienna enjoyed a spiritual ferment that more than matched the famed fin-de-siecle period. This dissertation ultimately questions the usefulness of the sobriquet "Red Vienna." Ironically, though the city was less "red" than it has been portrayed, intellectual and cultural life was also more radical.
机译:我的论文着眼于两次世界大战之间维也纳知识分子和政治协会之间复杂的相互作用。与普遍的看法相反,维也纳的文化世界在第二次世界大战后并未消亡。实际上,在动荡的战后时期,知识分子领域不断扩大。哲学,社会学和心理学方面的重要新运动出现于1920年代,而既定的运动-精神分析学和奥克斯·马克思主义(仅举两个)受到了新的刺激。但是,这些思想发展并不是在真空中进行的。这些独立的纪律团体之间不仅存在着重要的互动关系,而且与维也纳各政党之间也有着紧密的联系。这些接触对维也纳产生了深远的影响。学校和福利改革,免费的心理学中心和成人教育计划只是维也纳先进知识界支持的一些创新。维也纳的社会主义政府和领先的奥马克思主义理论家同样鼓励了这些知识分子的努力。因此,“红色”维也纳知识分子将自己投入到学术领域之外具有重要意义的问题上。他们的努力对奥地利独特的社会主义品牌的发展产生了相互的影响。尽管维也纳作为激进的社会主义思想的堡垒而享有盛誉,但维也纳的思想生活绝不是统一的。市政府可能曾经是“红色”,但中央政府和大学都不是。实际上,有人可能会说“黑色维也纳”更恰当地描述了两次战争之间的维也纳知识分子生活。大型的天主教和保守的知识分子社区与进步的社区并存。这些保守派思想家对战后民主秩序表示了持续的批评,并为诸如海姆维尔和祖国阵线等右翼运动提供了理论基础。此外,他们为政治理论,社会学和哲学的辩论做出了重要贡献。最终,这一庞大的(因而被大大忽视的)知识分子团体加速了对第一共和国的破坏,并促进了多尔富斯和舒斯尼格领导下的立宪派的建立(更不用说许多给予希特勒的支持了)。作为他们的支持,这些男人和女人在新州找到了学习和社会机会。总而言之,两次世界大战之间维也纳的政治环境塑造了其知识分子的意识形态发展,激化了他们的政治并鼓励了政治行动主义。相反,知识分子也重塑了奥地利的政治和社会生活。该项目集中在五个主要的知识界上:(1)逻辑经验主义者维也纳圈子; (2)与德·坎普夫有关的奥马克思主义理论家; (3)心理学家和社会学家的布勒·克雷斯(Buhler Kreis); (4)围绕社会学家和哲学家Othmar Spann的“环球主义者”学校; (5)与作家理查德·冯·克拉里克(Richard von Kralik)和公关家约瑟夫·埃伯勒(Joseph Eberle)的周刊戴斯·诺伊·里希(Das Neue Reich)和狄·舍内尔·祖库夫(Die Schonere Zukunft)有联系的天主教知识分子。除了说明这些小组的知识和实践工作外,还将展示跨学科的联系和联系。迄今为止,关于这些智力互动的工作很少,并且几乎所有的奖学金都集中在进步的“红色”圈子上。关于两次世界大战维也纳的主要专着没有研究过Spann-Schule或Kralik-Kreis的知识重要性。尽管学者们离散地讨论了左倾圈子,但他们并没有尝试将其融入更大的维也纳社会和政治环境。两次世界大战之间维也纳知识文化的出现与标准文化大相径庭:左派和右派的知识分子都不是非政治理论家;他们是致力于政治和社会变革的个人。他们的政治和社会观点往往比奥地利的政党制度更为激进。此外,该项目将挑战有关维也纳文化生活的观念。这个城市几乎不是臀部国家的孤立“堡垒”之都。知识分子与整个欧洲乃至全球的哲学运动和维森社会主义运动建立了牢固的联系。两次世界大战之间,维也纳享有精神上的发酵,远远超过了著名的末日时期。这篇论文最终质疑了“红色维也纳”的缩写。具有讽刺意味的是,尽管这座城市没有被描绘的那么“红色”,但是知识和文化生活也更加激进。

著录项

  • 作者

    Wasserman, Janek.;

  • 作者单位

    Washington University in St. Louis.;

  • 授予单位 Washington University in St. Louis.;
  • 学科 History European.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2010
  • 页码 340 p.
  • 总页数 340
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

  • 入库时间 2022-08-17 11:36:46

相似文献

  • 外文文献
  • 中文文献
  • 专利
获取原文

客服邮箱:kefu@zhangqiaokeyan.com

京公网安备:11010802029741号 ICP备案号:京ICP备15016152号-6 六维联合信息科技 (北京) 有限公司©版权所有
  • 客服微信

  • 服务号