首页> 外文学位 >The rise of a women's human rights epistemic network: Global norms and local education redefining gender politics in Japan.
【24h】

The rise of a women's human rights epistemic network: Global norms and local education redefining gender politics in Japan.

机译:妇女人权认识网络的兴起:全球规范和地方教育重新定义了日本的性别政治。

获取原文
获取原文并翻译 | 示例

摘要

In a country not known for its strong human rights tradition, high representation of women in politics, strong women's movement, or speedy political change, how do we explain the dramatic discursive and institutional changes concerning women's and children's human rights in Japan in the late 1990s? Predominant domestic politics and domestic social movement approaches cannot address why the issues of women's and children's human rights figure on the agenda of both the opposition and ruling parties despite significant interest group opposition and the absence of strong bureaucratic support, and why they suddenly became legitimated after 1995 when their local mobilization started already in the 1970s. I argue that the dramatic changes cannot be understood without referring to the institutionalization of women's human rights norms at the global level and the domestic mobilization of those norms by a local epistemic network in Japan. I combine two theses of globalization—world society theory within the sociological tradition and a transnational advocacy network approach from international relations—and argue that Japan is an “embedded network state,” embedded in global human rights norms which are mobilized by a domestic epistemic network. Four successive world conferences on human rights, population, women, and children between the 1993 and 1996 and the UN Special Rapporteur system provided global redefinitions for five formerly separate and illegitimate movements in Japan: the pill, sexual harassment, comfort women, domestic violence, and child prostitution. However, global discourses alone do not guarantee domestic political change. An emergent women's human rights epistemic network within Japan—made up of feminist nongovernmental organizations, professional associations, academics, and sympathetic politicians—holds the Japanese government accountable for her commitments to global standards. For “discursive accountability politics” to work, however, global norms need to be known locally through “advocacy education.” Since the early 1990s, there has been an explosion of human rights research, training, and educational activities by both the domestic epistemic network and the Japanese government. Global human rights norms have redefined what knowledge is in Japan. At stake are not only a redefinition of Japanese politics but also the remaking of Japanese identities.
机译:在一个以人权传统传统,女性在政治中的代表性高,女性运动活跃或政治变革迅速而著称的国家,我们如何解释1990年代后期日本在妇女和儿童人权方面的巨大话语和体制变革?国内政治和国内社会运动的主要方法不能解决为什么妇女和儿童的人权问题在反对派和执政党的议程上都占据重要地位,尽管利益集团强烈反对并且缺乏强有力的官僚支持,以及为什么他们在突然成为合法之后1995年,他们的当地动员工作已在1970年代开始。我认为,如果不提及全球范围内妇女人权规范的制度化以及日本当地的知识网络在国内动员这些规范,就无法理解这种巨大变化。我将全球化的两个论点-社会学传统中的世界社会理论和国际关系中的跨国倡导网络方法-相结合,并认为日本是一个“嵌入的网络国家”,它嵌入了由国内认知网络调动的全球人权规范中。 。在1993年至1996年之间的四次世界人权,人口,妇女和儿童世界会议与联合国特别报告员制度之间,全球重新定义了日本的五个先前独立和非法的运动:药丸,性骚扰,慰安妇,家庭暴力,和儿童卖淫。但是,仅全球话语并不能保证国内政治变革。由女性主义的非政府组织,专业协会,学者和富有同情心的政治家组成的日本新兴妇女人权知识网络,要求日本政府对她对全球标准的承诺负责。但是,要使“分散式问责制政治”发挥作用,就需要通过“倡导教育”在当地了解全球规范。自1990年代初以来,国内知识网络和日本政府对人权的研究,培训和教育活动激增。全球人权规范重新定义了日本的知识。不仅关系到日本政治的重新定义,而且关系到日本身份的重塑。

著录项

  • 作者

    Chan-Tiberghien, Jennifer.;

  • 作者单位

    Stanford University.;

  • 授予单位 Stanford University.;
  • 学科 Education Social Sciences.; Political Science International Law and Relations.; Womens Studies.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2001
  • 页码 420 p.
  • 总页数 420
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 社会科学教育与普及;国际法;社会学;
  • 关键词

相似文献

  • 外文文献
  • 中文文献
获取原文

客服邮箱:kefu@zhangqiaokeyan.com

京公网安备:11010802029741号 ICP备案号:京ICP备15016152号-6 六维联合信息科技 (北京) 有限公司©版权所有
  • 客服微信

  • 服务号