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Essays on inequality: Causes and consequences of income differences in the American political economy.

机译:关于不平等的论文:美国政治经济中收入差异的原因和后果。

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Of the advanced capitalist democracies, the United States is exceptional for its high level of income inequality. This volume explores the relationship between American income differences and three other distinct features of American society: great inequality in measured cognitive skills, low levels of voter turnout, and public support for limited-government public policy reforms.; In the first chapter, Richard Freeman and I explore the extent to which greater earnings inequality in the United States compared to Europe reflects greater inequality of cognitive skills. Using the International Adult Literacy Survey, we do a simple decomposition analysis and find that skill inequality explains very little of the cross-country difference in wage inequality. Most strikingly, the dispersion of earnings in the US is larger in narrowly defined skill groups than is the dispersion of earnings for European workers overall. We conclude that the bulk of cross-country differences in wage inequality occur within skill groups, not between them.; In the second chapter, I study differences in voter turnout by income level. Using data from the National Election Studies 1948–98, I show that in states where registration levels are low, there is a greater gap between the rich and the poor in voter turnout rates. Recent evidence from the Current Population Survey provides some confirmation of these findings. The evidence suggests, however, that while registration laws may help to increase registration among the poor, these laws do not in themselves significantly reduce the income bias in voter turnout.; In the final chapter, I conduct a new survey on attitudes on a current policy issue: the proposal to privatize Social Security. I focus on why the poor are less likely than others to support the privatization of Social Security. I find that the poor tend to believe that the government will manage Social Security responsibly; expect that they will rely on Social Security as a primary source of income; and would prefer to keep their money in the current system, rather than save or invest it. Together, these expectations and beliefs explain much of the income gap in support for privatization.
机译:在先进的资本主义民主国家中,美国因其高度的收入不平等而例外。该卷探讨了美国收入差异与美国社会的三个其他鲜明特征之间的关系:在认知技能上的巨大不平等,选民投票率低以及公众对有限政府公共政策改革的支持。在第一章中,我和理查德·弗里曼(Richard Freeman)探索了与欧洲相比,美国更大的收入不平等现象在多大程度上反映了认知技能的更大不平等现象。使用国际成人扫盲调查,我们进行了简单的分解分析,发现技能不平等对工资不平等的跨国差异影响很小。最引人注目的是,在狭义定义的技能组中,美国的收入分散程度比欧洲工人整体的收入分散程度要大。我们得出结论,工资不平等的大部分跨国差异发生在技能组内部,而不是在技能组之间。在第二章中,我研究了按收入水平划分的选民投票率的差异。使用1948-98年美国全国选举研究的数据,我发现,在登记水平较低的州,选民投票率的贫富差距更大。当前人口调查的最新证据证实了这些发现。然而,有证据表明,虽然登记法可能有助于增加穷人的登记,但这些法律本身并不能显着减少选民投票中的收入偏见。在最后一章中,我对当前政策问题的态度进行了新的调查:将社会保障私有化的建议。我关注的是为什么穷人比其他人更不可能支持社会保障的私有化。我发现穷人倾向于相信政府将负责任地管理社会保障;期望他们将依靠社会保障作为主要收入来源;并且宁愿将其资金保留在当前系统中,而不是进行储蓄或投资。这些期望和信念共同解释了支持私有化的大部分收入差距。

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