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Philosophical (pre)occupations and the problem of idealism: From ideology to Marx's critique of mental labor.

机译:哲学(先入为主)和唯心主义问题:从意识形态到马克思对脑力劳动的批判。

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My dissertation shows that the ideology concept developed by Karl Marx was first and foremost a critique of mental labor in bourgeois society, rather than a philosophy of consciousness, as is commonly assumed. Marx's theory of ideology constituted a pivotal moment in the formation of his critique of political economy insofar as it offered a solution to the problem of idealist metaphysics, discussed among the Left Hegelian philosophers in the late 1830's and early 1840's, by explaining it in terms of its origin in the class structure of capitalist society. I interpret Marx's texts using the approach of the "Cambridge School" of the history of political thought (Quentin Skinner), which has stressed the importance of examining classical texts in terms of their authors' explicit objectives, the polemical function of philosophical language as individual speech acts, and the contextual nature of particular ideas and concepts.;Based on a close study and analysis of one of Marx's so-called "works of the break," my investigation focuses on establishing the original meaning of "ideology" in relation to the Young Hegelian case for the "end of philosophy." While it is generally recognized that The German Ideology, written in 1845/46 by Marx and Engels, is a key text in nineteenth century intellectual history, few attempts have been made to subject this complicated manuscript to a comprehensive analysis. Consequently, the connection between ideology and the capitalist division of labor has not been duly recognized. Most broadly, then, the goal of this dissertation is to reconstruct Marx's effort to fully secularize post-Enlightenment critical philosophy by applying the tools of political economy to the question that animated the intellectual debate at the time: the question of how to come to terms with, and overcome, Hegel's metaphysical idealism.;The significance of my dissertation lies in its contribution to nineteenth-century intellectual history, to the study of critical social theory, and to contemporary discussions of the Marxist tradition. Because exegetical projects have typically converged on just the first hundred pages, one quarter of the complete manuscripts, this section, titled "I. Feuerbach," has gained misleading prominence in readings of The German Ideology. "I Feuerbach" resembles a discourse on method because of its general comments on "the correct manner of approach," but its importance within the work as a whole is questionable due to its fragmented and unfinished state. In order to shift our understanding of The German Ideology toward a better appreciation of Marx's concrete analysis of the typical (because characteristically bourgeois) yet peculiar (because uniquely passive) expressions of the German intelligentsia, I privilege instead the longest part of the manuscript, "III. Saint Max," Marx and Engels's exhaustive settling of accounts with Max Stirner's 1844 book The Ego and Its Own. This book was then the most radical attempt to break with the Left Hegelian critique of religion and prompted Marx to subject his own Feuerbachian assumptions to thorough scrutiny. Revealing Stirner's "Ego" -- the singular, separate, fully sovereign individual -- to be no alternative to Feuerbach's "Man" but rather another humanist abstraction from the real relations that define people in their particular social situations, Marx took the decisive step to produce a materialist, i.e. economic, account of ideology.;By focusing my inquiry on Marx's response to Stirner, which remained unpublished until 1932, I reread The German Ideology in terms of its specific arguments against the Young Hegelian idealist distortion of particular historical events, social transformations, and contradictions. However, by situating the work squarely within the context of the early nineteenth-century debates over how to successfully "world" Hegel's dialectic, I also recover Marx's particular intervention in these debates. Marx, I show, was able to overcome the idealism of his former friends and allies by grounding the critique of philosophy in a theory of the intricate connection between labor, class, and practice. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
机译:我的论文表明,卡尔·马克思提出的意识形态概念首先是对资产阶级社会的脑力劳动的批评,而不是通常所认为的意识哲学。马克思的意识形态理论在其对政治经济学批判的形成中构成了关键时刻,因为它为解决理想主义形而上学的问题提供了解决方案,这一思想在1830年代末和1840年代初在左派黑格尔哲学家中进行了讨论,并通过以下方式加以解释:它的起源是资本主义社会的阶级结构。我用政治思想史的“剑桥学派”(昆汀·斯金纳)的方法来解释马克思的文本,该方法强调了根据作者的明确目标,哲学语言作为个人的语言功能来研究古典文本的重要性。言语行为,以及特定思想和概念的上下文性质。;在对马克思所谓的“突破性作品”之一进行仔细研究和分析的基础上,我的研究重点是确立与之相关的“意识形态”的原始含义。年轻的黑格尔主义者主张“哲学的终结”。众所周知,马克思和恩格斯在1845/46年撰写的《德国意识形态》是19世纪知识史上的重要著作,但很少有人尝试对此复杂的手稿进行全面的分析。因此,意识形态与资本主义劳动分工之间的联系尚未得到适当承认。因此,最广泛地讲,本论文的目的是通过将政治经济学的工具应用于当时激化知识分子辩论的问题:如何达成共识,来重构马克思为完全启蒙后的批判哲学所做的努力。黑格尔的形而上学的唯心主义是我的论文的意义在于它对19世纪知识史,对批判社会理论的研究以及对马克思主义传统的当代讨论的贡献。由于阐释性项目通常只集中在前一百页上,即全部手稿的四分之一,因此这一标题为“ I. Feuerbach”的部分在阅读《德国意识形态》时引起了误导性的关注。 “ I Feuerbach”类似于方法论,因为它对“正确的方法方式”提出了一般性的评论,但是由于其零散而未完成的状态,它在整个作品中的重要性令人怀疑。为了使我们对“德国意识形态”的理解更好地理解马克思对德国知识分子的典型(由于资产阶级特征)但又由于其独特(由于独特的被动)表达的具体分析,我优先考虑手稿的最长部分,“ III。圣马克斯,”马克思和恩格斯在马克斯·斯特纳(Max Stirner)1844年出版的《自我与自己》一书中详尽阐述了自己的观点。这本书是打破左派黑格尔对宗教的批判的最激进的尝试,促使马克思对自己的费尔巴哈式假设进行彻底的审查。马克思揭露了斯特纳的“自我”(一个单一的,独立的,完全主权的个体),是费尔巴哈的“人”的替代品,而是从定义人在特定社会情况下的真实关系的另一种人文主义抽象,迈出了决定性的一步通过对马克思对斯特纳的回应(直到1932年一直未出版)的关注,使我重新审视了德国意识形态,以其针对反对特定历史事件的年轻黑格尔唯心主义歪曲的具体论点,重读了《德国意识形态》,社会变革和矛盾。但是,通过在十九世纪初关于如何成功地“世界化”黑​​格尔的辩证法辩论的背景下将工作摆在正确的位置,我也恢复了马克思在这些辩论中的特殊干预。我证明,马克思通过以劳动,阶级和实践之间的错综复杂的联系为基础对哲学进行批判,从而克服了他以前的朋友和盟友的理想主义。 (摘要由UMI缩短。)

著录项

  • 作者

    Fischer, Ariane.;

  • 作者单位

    The George Washington University.;

  • 授予单位 The George Washington University.;
  • 学科 Philosophy.;History General.;Political Science General.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2010
  • 页码 512 p.
  • 总页数 512
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

  • 入库时间 2022-08-17 11:36:45

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