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On resumptive pronouns in Slavic: Towards a generalized theory of pronominal structure and interpretation.

机译:关于斯拉夫语中的代名词:走向代词结构和解释的广义理论。

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"On Resumptive Pronouns in Slavic" is a first step toward a generalized theory of pronouns that accounts for the behavior of both ordinary and resumptive pronouns. I adopt the definition of resumption proposed by Boeckx (2003) who analyzes resumptive pronouns as pronouns stranded by the movement of an NP sister. In contrast to Boeckx's theory, I argue that every definite pronoun enters the syntax as a D0 sister to its NP or DP referent.* The central argument of the dissertation rests on this proposed universal pronominal structure, called the stacked DP. I suggest that the single parametric difference resulting in resumptive vs. non-resumptive type languages is the ability of the internal DP to raise independently of the pronoun. In other words, any language in which the internal DP of a stacked DP is independently mobile (i.e. it can move without pied-piping the pronoun) will contain resumptive pronouns.;This analysis of the syntactic structure of pronouns extends to all instances of pronouns, including those that do not occur in a resumptive context. A natural question to follow from this is what becomes of the NP/DP sister of the pronoun in contexts not involving any resumption, as in the following sentence: (i) I met her yesterday. I propose that the NP/DP referent is frequently deleted by a PF operation, Pronominal Associate Deletion (PAD): If D0 is a personal pronoun and XP is a sister to D0, then XP is deleted. If the XP referent raises during narrow syntax, the conditions for PAD will not be met at PF. As a result, both the XP and the pronoun will be pronounced.;In addition to this PF rule, I propose an LF condition to account for the interpretation of pronouns, the Pronominal Reference Condition (PRC): In DPMAX whose D0 is a pronoun, interpret D 0 as co-referential with the NP also dominated by DPMAX. These two operations, in combination with the stacked DP internal structure of pronouns, provide the means to explain a wide array of phenomena relating to the occurrence of resumptive pronouns, including Macedonian clitic doubling, Hebrew interrogative wh-resumption, optional resumption in B/C/S and Slovak, and resumption in Slovene superlative clauses.;*Please refer to dissertation for diagrams.
机译:“关于斯拉夫语中的代词”是通向代词理论的第一步,代名词解释了普通代词和代词的行为。我采用Boeckx(2003)提出的恢复定义,他将恢复代词分析为由于NP姐妹的运动而搁浅的代词。与Boeckx的理论相反,我认为,每个确定代词都以NP或DP指称的D0姐妹形式进入语法。*论文的中心论点是基于这种提议的通用代词结构,称为堆叠DP。我建议导致恢复型语言与非恢复型语言的单一参数差异是内部DP独立于代词的能力。换句话说,堆叠式DP的内部DP可独立移动的任何语言(即,它可以在不插接代词的情况下移动)都将包含恢复代词。这种对代词的句法结构的分析扩展到了代词的所有实例,包括那些不会在恢复性上下文中发生的事件。随之而来的一个自然问题是,在不涉及任何恢复的情况下,代词的NP / DP姐妹的代名词变成了什么:(i)我昨天见过她。我建议NP / DP引用对象经常通过PF操作(代名词关联删除(PAD))删除:如果D0是人称代词,而XP是D0的姊妹代词,则删除XP。如果XP引用在狭窄的语法中出现,则PF不会满足PAD的条件。结果,XP和代词都将被发音。除了这个PF规则,我还提出了一个LF条件来解释代词的解释,即Pronominal Reference Condition(PRC):在DPMAX中,D0是代词,将D 0解释为与同样由DPMAX主导的NP共指。这两个操作与代名词的堆叠DP内部结构相结合,提供了解释与代名词出现有关的多种现象的手段,包括马其顿语气候加倍,希伯来语疑问重起,B / C中可选的重起/ S和斯洛伐克文,以及在斯洛文尼亚最高级条款中的恢复。; *请参阅论文以了解图表。

著录项

  • 作者单位

    Princeton University.;

  • 授予单位 Princeton University.;
  • 学科 Linguistics.;Slavic studies.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2013
  • 页码 194 p.
  • 总页数 194
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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