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Three Models of Elections as Public Signals.

机译:三种公开信号选举模式。

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摘要

I present three game-theoretic models that treat elections solely as public signals of the incumbent regime's strength before a strategic interaction between the incumbent leader and an audience.;The first model asks why incumbent leaders would choose to hold an in this framework. I argue that elections are held (1) when the incumbent has private information, making the decision to hold a costly signal of strength and (2) when the incumbent can use the information generated by the election to manage political interactions more effectively, and (3) when there are multiple equilibria in the post-election game and the audience coordinates on playing an unfavorable equilibrium for leaders that do not hold elections. This framework can apply to both noncompetitive and competitive elections, and I argue that the third motivation for elections is required for equilibria where competitive elections occur and electoral rules followed.;The second model takes the election as a given and gives the incumbent the ability to distort the electoral outcome with hidden actions (i.e., fraud) and take actions to make this distortion more visible (i.e., election monitoring). Even though the model considers a noncompetitive election, the incumbent has incentives to cheat to look stronger, though this is ineffective in equilibrium as the audience is strategic and discounts the election result accordingly. As a result, the incumbent invites election monitoring to tie their hands and reduce the expectations of how much fraud is committed.;The third model places the election before a bargaining game between the incumbent and an opposition group. As suggested by the more abstract first model, the incumbent may hold an election to gather information and bargain more effectively. I then consider whether elections make conflict more or less likely, finding that they prevent violence in violence-prone cases but may increase violence in less violence-prone cases. However, under somewhat general assumptions elections decrease violence on average.
机译:我提出了三种博弈论模型,这些模型将选举仅作为现任政权与听众之间战略互动之前的现任政权实力的公开信号。;第一个模型询问现任领导人为何会选择在此框架内举行选举。我认为选举的举行(1)当任职者拥有私人信息时,决定保留昂贵的力量信号;(2)当任职者可以利用选举产生的信息来更有效地管理政治互动时,以及( 3)当选举后游戏中存在多个均衡,并且听众在不举行选举的领导人扮演不利平衡时进行协调。该框架既可以适用于非竞争性选举也可以适用于竞争性选举,我认为发生竞争性选举并遵循选举规则的均衡需要选举的第三种动机;第二种模式将选举作为给定条件,赋予任职者通过隐藏的动作(例如欺诈)扭曲选举结果,并采取措施使这种失真更加明显(例如选举监控)。即使该模型考虑了非竞争性选举,但在位者仍具有欺骗手段使其看起来更强的动机,尽管这在平衡方面是无效的,因为受众是有战略意义的,因此相应地低估了选举结果。结果,在位者邀请选举监控来束缚他们的双手,并降低对犯下多少欺诈的期望。第三种模式将选举置于在位者与反对派团体之间的讨价还价游戏之前。正如更抽象的第一个模型所建议的那样,在位者可以举行一次选举以更有效地收集信息和讨价还价。然后,我考虑选举是否会或多或少地导致冲突,发现选举可以防止暴力倾向案件中的暴力行为,但在暴力倾向较少的情况下可能会增加暴力。但是,根据某种普遍的假设,选举平均可以减少暴力。

著录项

  • 作者

    Little, Andrew T.;

  • 作者单位

    New York University.;

  • 授予单位 New York University.;
  • 学科 Political Science General.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2013
  • 页码 137 p.
  • 总页数 137
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

  • 入库时间 2022-08-17 11:41:15

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