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God Made the Country, and Man Made the Town: The Impact of Local Institutions on the Political Attitudes and Behavior of Immigrants and Minorities in the United States

机译:上帝造国,人造城:地方机构对美国移民和少数族裔政治态度和行为的影响

摘要

Are all immigrants in the United States willing and able to integrate successfully within a liberal democratic polity? This research question guides the three papers included in the present dissertation. To explore this question I designed and implemented a multi-city survey in the United States (the American Cities Survey) which contains representative immigrant, black, white, Latino and Asian samples drawn independently for each locality. Based on the findings of the American Cities Survey, which include multiple attitudinal, cultural background and political behavior measures at the individual level, along with socioeconomic and demographic measures in six distinct local institutional environments, I argue that all voting eligible immigrants and immigrant communities-regardless of their native origin and their ancestral religious affiliation-- are willing and able to integrate politically so long as political institutions and contexts (especially local ones) provide them with the same exposure to the political system and institutions, and opportunities to participate in politics as the ones provided to all other citizens. I thereby challenge both the academic and popular perceptions that certain immigrant groups have anti-democratic and anti-liberal attitudes due to their shared cultural characteristics (i.e. religious affiliation or political socialization in a non-democratic polity) that persist even after migrating to a liberal democratic polity and are passed on to the second generation. I discover that the notion that Latinos vote less than similarly situated blacks and whites has persisted overtime for two reasons: first, simply because a greater proportion of Latinos have settled in localities where institutions tend to inhibit political competition and depress turnout, biasing representative national samples; second, because the smallest geographical unit one can study with existing survey and Census (CPS) data does not allow for exploration of political behavior at the individual level beyond the state. This is problematic for studying groups like Latinos, because 50 percent of their population is concentrated in three states and less than ten cities. I find that the results found at the national level are not replicable at the local level and Latino political participation varies by city. In localities where institutions provide incentives for political party competition the probability of a citizen of Latino origin voting is equal to that of blacks and whites of similar age, income and education. In other words, the evidence presented here suggests that the correlation found at the national level between Latino immigrant group membership and apolitical attitudes and behavior is of a contingent, perhaps even spurious nature, artifice of geographical concentration of members of this group in local institutional environments that depress political activity. The theoretical framework and findings of this dissertation reveal that immigrant political attitudes and behavior towards the host country's political system is shaped mostly by individual experiences with this system, and not by prior or inherited cultural or religious beliefs from their (or their ancestor's) country of origin.
机译:美国的所有移民是否愿意并且能够成功地融入自由民主政体中?该研究问题指导了本文的三篇论文。为了探讨这个问题,我设计并实施了一项在美国的多城市调查(美国城市调查),该调查包含针对每个地方的独立样本代表性移民,黑人,白人,拉丁裔和亚洲人。根据《美国城市调查》的调查结果,其中包括在个人层面上采取的多种态度,文化背景和政治行为指标,以及在六个不同的地方机构环境中的社会经济和人口指标,我认为所有有投票资格的移民和移民社区-不论其原籍和祖先的宗教信仰如何,只要政治机构和背景(尤其是本地机构)为他们提供与政治制度和机构相同的参与机会,并愿意参与政治活动,他们愿意并能够在政治上进行整合就像提供给所有其他公民的一样。因此,我对学术和大众的看法都提出了挑战,即某些移民群体由于其共同的文化特征(即非民主政体中的宗教信仰或政治社会化)而具有顽固的民主和反自由态度,甚至在移民到自由主义者之后仍然存在。民主政体,并传给了第二代。我发现,拉美裔人的投票比类似情况的黑人和白人更少的观点一直存在,这有两个原因:首先,仅仅是因为更大比例的拉美裔人定居在那些机构倾向于抑制政治竞争和压制投票率的地方,使代表性的国家样本偏颇;第二,因为一个人可以使用现有的调查研究的最小地理单位,而人口普查(CPS)数据则不允许探索除州以外的个人层面的政治行为。对于像拉美裔这样的研究团体来说,这是个问题,因为他们的人口中有50%集中在三个州和少于十个城市。我发现在国家一级发现的结果在地方一级无法复制,并且拉丁美洲人的政治参与因城市而异。在机构为政党竞争提供激励的地区,拉丁裔公民投票的机会与年龄,收入和教育程度相仿的黑人和白人相等。换句话说,这里提供的证据表明,在国家一级发现的拉美裔移民团体成员资格与政治态度和行为之间的相关性是一种偶然的,甚至可能是虚假的性质,表明该团体的成员在当地机构环境中的地理集中度压抑政治活动。本文的理论框架和研究结果表明,移民对东道国政治制度的政治态度和行为主要是由对该制度的个人经历所决定的,而不是由他们(或祖先)所在国的先前或继承的文化或宗教信仰所决定的。起源。

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